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A child psychologist, Parker founded Children and Adults with ADD (CHADD), a nonprofit organization. He lobbies frequently on
behalf of CHADD in Washington, D.C., and is now the president of ADD Warehouse,
a company that sells ADHD materials.
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There might be a lot of skepticism among the general public about this
because they think, "Well, when I was a child, there were no ADHD patients in
my classroom. So what has changed?"
I think there is a lot of skepticism about ADHD. It's one of the areas of
psychology and psychiatry that we know a great deal about, yet it's one of the
most controversial diagnoses in the area of mental health. ADHD children have
been around for as long as there's been people. We've always seen people who
were hyperactive, inattentive, or who had difficulty concentrating or
organizing themselves.
But more so, we've paid attention to these behaviors and labeled them
differently. Before we used to label them in some ways as "b-a-d" children
having behavior problems. And now we see that it's really not under their
control so much, and we see them more as children suffering from a
neurobiological disorder of self-control and attention problems.
So there hasn't been a tremendous increase in the number of children with ADHD.
It's not like it's in the water and you become infected by it. It's just that
we've improved our sophistication in terms of diagnosis and recognition of this
disorder, and there are more people looking out for these children now than
there were in the past. . . .
In my opinion, several things caused the rise in the medication
prescribing. Number one, parents understood from other parents that ADHD
exists, and they had their kids evaluated. Doctors understood that medication
was an appropriate treatment for ADHD, not a last-resort treatment, but in some
cases, a first-resort treatment.
We realized that kids with ADHD don't have to stop taking medication when they
become adolescents. We used to think that stimulant medication would stunt
growth. We realize that that doesn't happen. So we continued prescribing
medications to these children through adolescence.
We also realized that children could take medication more than once a day.
They can take it in the morning, in the afternoon and evening, and even late in
the afternoon when they come home from school to help with homework problems.
And we also realized that adults could benefit if they have ADHD and they take
medication. So all these factors combined to cause a rise in the prescription
rates of medication today. . . .
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Vice chairman of psychiatry at New York University, Koplewicz believes that
ADHD is a legitimate brain disorder. He wrote It's Nobody's Fault: New Hope
and Help for Difficult Children and Their Parents. He is director for the New York University Child Study Center.
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. . . The reason for increased prescriptions would most probably be that we
have more kids diagnosed, and therefore more children needing treatment. We
have an effective treatment. In fact, we know, most times, that once we find
an effective treatment and we let the public know that there's an effective
treatment, patients start to appear.
I think the best example is another disorder. Look at obsessive-compulsive
disorder. When I was in residency training, they told you that people who have
obsessive-compulsive disorder . . . were only 1 percent of the psychiatric
population. This meant that, from the people who came to a clinic, one out of
a hundred had OCD. Today, since we started doing some epidemiological work on
this, we find that it's three out of a hundred of the general population.
What happened in 20 years? Was our water supply different? How did we all of
a sudden find ourselves with lots of patients and lots of people in the
population who have obsessive-compulsive disorder, when 20 years before, we
didn't have it?
The big change was that we found a treatment that really worked--two major
treatments. . . . Then we had a whole new generation of medicines, like
Prozac and Luvox and Zoloft, and they worked. And then we had a whole group of
psychologists who came up with talk therapies that were very effective in
treating these disorders. So patients who thought they were going crazy and
didn't want to share it with anyone because there wasn't an effective
treatment, have now come out of the woodwork and say, "I have OCD and I need to
be treated for it. And I'm not even embarrassed about it, because I want to
get rid of it." . . .
Is there under-medication or over-medication of ADHD kids?
I don't know if there's under-medication or over-medication. I'm not sure if
the right kids are getting medicated. That's part of the problem. To do a
proper diagnosis of a child who has a psychiatric illness or a child who has
ADHD really requires time. It takes time to interview the mother and father.
It takes time to get ahold of a questionnaire, for observation from the
teacher. It takes time to examine the child and talk to the child. And all
this then requires some thinking and putting together and synthesizing this
information, to decide what is the possible diagnosis, and what else could be
causing these symptoms.
When kids are being diagnosed by primary care physicians on a very, very tight
time schedule . . . I question whether or not the right children are always
getting the medication. There are also certain populations in the United
States that are very opposed to giving their children medication.
Historically, the African-American population has a bias against giving
psychostimulant medication to their children.
. . . There are regional differences in the United States. For some reason, we
find now that the southeast part of the United States seems to have higher
prescription rates of Ritalin and Ritalin-like medications versus the rest of
the country. I'm not sure we know enough as to what is happening in those
parts of the country, versus other geographical parts of the country, that is
affecting the prescription policies and the prescription practices.
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Professor of psychiatry and neurology at the University of Massachusetts
Medical Center in Worcester. Author of numerous books on ADHD, including
ADHD and the Nature of Self-Control and Attention-Deficit
Hyperactivity Disorder: A Handbook for Diagnosis and Treatment.
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The question that keeps being raised in the media now is whether there's over-
or under-medication. We don't know for sure, because we don't have any
national databases where we keep track of all prescriptions in the United
States, like some other countries do. So we can't turn to that database to
answer the question.
What we have to do is to go out and find large regional databases that are
being kept. For instance, each state is required to keep records on all of the
Schedule II drugs, like stimulants, that are being prescribed within their
state. So we may be able to go to a state, as was done in the state of
Maryland just recently, and look at the number of prescriptions being used for
ADHD. We might get some indication there. We can also go to school districts
and survey them and see what percentage of children is on medication. When we
do this, we find a rather dramatic difference in figures that's difficult to
reconcile.
If we go out to Utah where a survey was recently done, it's about 1.4 percent
of children in the Salt Lake City public schools. If we go to five different
metropolitan areas, as Peter Jensen did in one of his studies, we might
find that the figure is around 1.8 percent to about 2.4 percent of ADHD
children who are taking medication. In their own survey, the state of Maryland
recently found that about 2.6 percent of children within the state were taking
medication during school hours for management of ADHD. So it just depends on
where you look.
If you were to average across all of these figures, it appears to be that
somewhere between about 1.5 percent and about 2.5 percent of school-age
children are taking medication right now for ADHD. Now, you have to look at
that figure in the context of how much ADHD is there. It's the only way you
can answer the question of over-medication, and that is, what's the reference
point? We know that approximately 5 percent to 7 percent of school-age
children have this disorder. If we use the conservative figure of 5 percent,
and we know that about 2.5 percent of individuals may be taking medication,
there's your answer. We don't have over-medication. Only about half of all
ADHD children are ever taking medication for their disorder. . . .
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Author of Running on Ritalin, Diller received his medical degree from
Columbia University's College of Physicians and Surgeons. While he has
diagnosed some children in his private practice with ADHD, Diller has
criticized the proliferation of the ADHD diagnosis and the rise of "cosmetic
psychopharmacology."
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. . . Why are we seeing a rise in the use of these drugs?
. . . It starts from the fact that we, as a culture--more than any other
culture--seem to have accepted biology and the brain as the reason for
maladaptive or poor behavior. . . . American psychiatry had already begun
to focus on the brain in the 1960s and 1970s. But it really wasn't until
Prozac that the American public became interested in the brain for behavioral
and emotional problems. Prozac will allow people, with far less side effects
than earlier antidepressants, to improve their mood and become more resilient.
So it became more acceptable and easier to take a psychiatric drug. Prozac was
introduced in 1988. The explosion in Ritalin occurred in 1991. And I believe
that Prozac paved the way, in terms of acceptability, for the use of Ritalin in
children, though there are many other factors as to why Ritalin took off.
Besides the change in American psychiatry and the public's view of behavior
being brain-related, we had other things going on in the 1960s, 1970s, and
1980s. To begin with, you needed two parents to work to maintain the same
standard of living than you did in the 1960s. . . . That means that now we
have institutional day care for children. . . . We have many more latchkey
kids. That's one factor, a major factor.
We have educational paranoia that began in the late 1980s with the downsizing
of the white-collar middle class. . . . With computers and stuff, if every
child doesn't get a four-year-plus college education, they're not going to have
any choices; they're not going to be successful. So what does that mean? We
have the expectations of three-year-olds learning their alphabet and their
numbers. We have five-year-olds all learning to read in kindergarten. We have
my eighth-grader learning algebra a year earlier than I learned it. This goes
on all the way through the educational system. So we have more pressures on
kids. And all through the 1970s and 1980s, we saw an expansion of classroom
size. . . . So, not only are we expecting more from the children, but
we're delivering less to them by their parents being at work, and by the
teacher having more students per kid.
We have other factors going on. We have a continuing erosion of parental
discipline that probably began 150 years ago. But we had the self-esteem
movement in the 1980s that basically said that conflict is not good for
children, that it further erodes their self-image. There was a misreading of
Freud in the 1950s that said to reduce stress and your child will be
neurosis-free. . . . All these things were going on through the 1970s and
1980s. And yet, Ritalin production remained stable all through the 1980s. And
in 1991, it takes off.
The question is, what was the spark? If we look at the history, and we look at
the data, the only thing that changed was the administrative change in the
educational laws guiding our country's accommodations to children. In 1991, it
began to include children with the diagnosis ADD or ADHD. And I think parents
were genuinely trying to get help for their children. But when they found out
that they could get special services and accommodations by getting the
diagnosis, they flocked to their doctors. Word spread, and along the way, you
also got Ritalin.
You've stated that there's over-medication.
There's over-medication and there's under-medication, depending on the
community you assess, and your values for it. I generally feel that in the
community I work in, which is a white middle- to upper-middle class community,
there is over-medication.
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Formerly the head of child psychiatry at the National Institute of Mental
Health, Jensen was the principal author of the landmark NIMH study NIMH, the
Multimodal Treatment Study of Children with Attention Deficit Hyperactivity
Disorder (MTA). He is now the director of Columbia University's Center for the
Advancement of Children's Mental Health.
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You've been a psychiatrist for many years now and I'm sure that in your
lifetime you've seen ADHD evolve ... How has it changed?
Just over the last 20 years, our understanding and appreciation of ADHD has
changed a whole lot. Twenty years ago it was a little bit of an
off-the-beaten-path kind of disorder, in the sense that people worried about a
whole host of things, and ADHD was one of them. Nowadays, when we think about
treating children and the most common problems they present with, ADHD is
probably the major one. It comprises the lion's share of why children are often
seen and why they're often treated. ...
There are reports that the use of psychotropic medications has increased 700
percent in ten years. And there are other reports that say there's a
three-fold increase. What's the truth to that, and what's behind this
trend?
Whether it's increased three-fold or five-fold or seven-fold is really not the
big point. . . . The story is that it's increased enormously, and that's the
question. And the answer to that is, I think, two or three major factors.
The first is that, in the early 1990s, the Department of Education mandated the
states, and said, "Many of you have thought that ADHD was a thing you didn't
have to worry about. But we've reviewed the evidence and the literature, we've
listened to parents, we've listened to the scientists, we've held congressional
hearings on this, and we're convinced that this disorder fits under special
education law. And you can't say to a parent, 'It's not our problem.' It
is your problem. And so, be on notice that that's our position." . .
.
At the same time we had, I think, increasing power and passion on the part of
parents, who felt like their children had fallen between the cracks, just like
with learning disabilities. And those parents were organizing, becoming more
eloquent and more effective, and understanding that they really had to kind of
get their oar in the water, to speak up, because their children's lives and
health was at stake. . . . So schools began to realize they had to do
something about it, and it put them on line to use their resources for these
children. . . . And so while we don't know this for certain, a lot of the big
rise happened right around those years, 1990, 1991, 1992 and 1993.
Now, the other big rise, and the other big factor, I think, that took place
during that time, was health care reform. And health care reform hit mental
health with a vengeance in many ways. Because what it said to mental health
was, "We're cutting way back on the kind of therapies that we're going to
offer, and we're going to set a total number of sessions. And we're going to say
when you can get sessions and why you can get, say, therapy sessions."
So what we hear from many parents was that they could not longer go see a
therapist for 50 or 60 sessions a year, every week or twice a week, or
something. For ADHD they would be asked, "Is your child getting medicine?" .
. . More and more, doctors were being asked to say, "We can only approve
therapy sessions if you've also given a trial of medicine." Or parents were
being told, "We can only give therapy if the child is also getting medicine."
How does one explain that the US consumes five times more methylphenidate
than any other place in the world?
It's a not a very hard explanation, actually. I and other colleagues were at a
meeting set up by the Council of Economic Ministers in the European Union.
Their drug enforcement czar and their health czar, or their representatives,
came from each country to this meeting. And the reason they came to a meeting
was because there were concerns that they were hearing more and more from
parents around Europe that their children had ADHD.
We know from international studies that ADHD is pretty much the same across all
of the Western world. We're not sure about non-civilized areas, or
less-civilized Third World areas. But across Europe, it's pretty much always
the same, and parents were feeling that their children were being denied
treatments. . . . You go to some countries and they'll say, "Well, you can
prescribe Ritalin, but only a child psychiatrist can do it." In the former
Eastern bloc, there may be five child psychiatrists in the entire country, and
three million children. I tell you, that's going to really cut the prescriptions
way down.
In another place, they'll say, "You can only prescribe this medicine if it's
been approved by three independent professionals." In other places, you can't
prescribe it at all. . . . What this Council of Ministers concluded is that
ADHD in Europe is probably under-diagnosed and under-treated by 20 to 1. ... In
some countries, they're using anti-psychotic medicines at terrible rates to
treat ADHD children. So, yes, they're not using Ritalin. They're using things
that are much less safe, that we know cause tics or permanent kinds of motor
problems if used for a long period of time. . . .
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A psychiatrist in Denver, Colorado, Dodson ascribes ADHD mostly to biological
causes. He is paid by Shire Richwood, the makers of Adderall, to educate other
physicians about the drug's efficacy.
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Twenty years ago, the only child who was going to be identified, and therefore
treated, was the hyperactive child who was pinging off the wall, who was
aggressive, uncontrollable, and obnoxious. And so this was the child who was
referred for evaluation. This was the child that everybody could agree was
hyperactive and who would benefit from medication.
It has only been in the last 10 to 12 years that we see that actually, the
hyperactive aggressive child makes up only a small percent--20 percent or 25
percent--of people who have ADHD. There are far larger numbers of people who
don't have any hyperactivity at all, and they are purely the inattentive
subtype. . . .
The inattentive and impulsive symptoms continue unabated for a lifetime. And
so it is this recognition--that there are a lot of people out there who have
purely inattentive symptoms, who aren't hyperactive, who are not aggressive or
obnoxious--who also have this disease. And this is where we start picking up
females. When I was in medical school, I was taught that women did not get
Attention Deficit Disorder. It turns out that women get it just as often as men
do. The assumed prevalence is about one to one, male to female. It's that
it's exceedingly rare for a woman to be hyperactive. . . . And so now what
we're doing is doubling the apparent prevalence rate by recognizing that the
quiet, inattentive child who daydreams in the back of the class also has
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder, just without the hyperactivity. . .
.
So that's why we have such a rapid increase in the prescription
rates?
Dr. James Swanson in California did a study of that. And we are seeing
an increase in the number of people who are being diagnosed and treated. But
the biggest increase in the number of prescriptions, according to Swanson, is
that people are being treated for longer periods of time. Once a person starts
on the medication, we now recognize they'll benefit from the medication their
entire life. They're being treated for more days--not just Monday through
Friday while they're in school. They're being treated 7 days a week, 52 weeks
a year.
There is more of an acceptance of the disorder. People are more willing to
give their children a trial on medication. And there's more of an awareness in
teachers and Girl Scout leaders and doctors, in people who work with children,
to recognize the disorder, and to suggest to parents that they might want to
have it looked into.
Lots of people say there's also over-diagnosis--that a certain hysteria is
taking over that it has become the disorder of the decade.
It is very common for people to say very emphatically that the diagnosis is
being too easily made. But there's very little evidence to support that point
of view. And there's a lot of evidence to support the exact opposite point of
view. In 1995, the National Institute of Mental Health did a study, not only of
ADHD, but of all childhood mental disorders. They found that, in the previous
year, only one in eight children who had ADHD received any services--medication
or otherwise.
The diagnosis is still missed two out of three times, and even when it is
made, it is under-treated. ...
How does the ADHD diagnosis differ between social classes?
The disorder is found pretty much equally through different socioeconomic
groups. ADHD is found in every culture, in every socioeconomic group, in
pretty much the same prevalence. . . . I'm aware of one study that showed that
black inner-city males were diagnosed with ADHD more commonly than you would
expect from the general population. But again, this could be clustering. It
could very well be a valid diagnosis. ...
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A child psychologist, Parker founded Children and Adults with ADD (CHADD), a nonprofit organization. He lobbies frequently on
behalf of CHADD in Washington, D.C., and is now the president of ADD Warehouse,
a company that sells ADHD materials.
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Sometimes health care providers might write a prescription for Ritalin or
Adderall or another stimulant medication, just as a test to see if the behavior
improves. And if it does, voila: ADHD. But we can't use those medications to
confirm a diagnosis, because most kids, even if their behavior was normal,
would improve in terms of attention and behavior with these medications. So
the diagnosis takes some time, and in our managed care system, time is
something that doctors often don't have. So in some areas of the country,
there can be over-diagnosis.
On the other hand, the diagnosis of ADHD is sometimes missed, because there's
either a lack of awareness about ADHD, or a lack of time taken to properly make
the diagnosis. For example, one out of six children in our country comes to a
doctor's office with a diagnosable behavior or mental health disorder. Parents
often don't report these symptoms to their primary care doctor, their
pediatrician, or the family practitioner. . . . We should really be concerned
about misdiagnosis a lot more than overdiagnosis. Of course, we don't want to
diagnose kids with ADHD who don't have it, but we certainly don't want to miss
the diagnosis in kids who do have it.
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