Does it make a difference if Jefferson lied? This, finally, is the question we
confront: the meaning of a lie or lies told in private; by one member of a
family to another, about a private matter. Jefferson certainly threw his allies
and his family off the track. It also seems that he conducted his relationship
with Sally Hemings with sufficient discretion that his family either did not
know about it or, more likely, could avoid confronting its reality. If
Jefferson did not lie about Sally Hemings, he misled, and if he misled, he did
it to protect himself--that is, his reputation, and his family-- that is, their
reputation, as well as their notions of themselves as a family near-perfect in
its happiness.
Because Jefferson's denial was not complete or coherent enough-- there was that
troubling matter of the family resemblance, after all--his white family had to
elaborate his little lie. His daughter Patsy tried to document it, making her
sons cross-check some dates. His grandson told a historian about this
account-book evidence, and the historian, thinking that second-hand
"documentary" record somehow inadequate, asserted that he had double-checked
it, using an account book that conveniently went pop, as if opened by
the hand of God. Patsy could have been mistaken, but probably not Jeff
Randolph, and certainly not the historian Randall.
We are now into the realm of demonstrable falsehood, a falsehood that became
part of the historical record when Randall told it to Parton, in the middle of
the nineteenth century. Once that falsehood entered the historical record, the
defense of Jefferson then seemed to rest upon something more empirical than
notions of his character: secondhand testimony about a verifiable documentary
record. Jeff Randolph's motive was understandable; he wanted to preserve his
grandfather's reputation, and he was, after all, talking to a historian. He
must have known, however, that the account book could not have demonstrated his
grandfather's innocence. He lied for history, and to history. And then history
told us that Jefferson could not have been the father of Sally Hemings's
children.
Yet these were not the only lies the white Jeffersons told history. When Jeff
Randolph and his sister Ellen Coolidge implicated their cousins Carr, they were
lying only among themselves. But it was a stunning lie, all the more stunning
because they told it primarily for the other white Jeffersons. Perhaps it
offered the assurance they needed in order to be able to hold their heads high
when defending their beloved grandfather in more general terms. Perhaps it
assuaged old wounds, determining for once and for all who was in the family and
who was out. But these lies, even if told first and foremost to and for the
family, made their way into the historical record. They have become part of
history.
Let us assume that the relationship between Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings
was founded and maintained, or one or the other, in love, or commitment, or a
sense of responsibility--in other words, somewhere along the spectrum of what
we would consider responsible behavior. Let us assume, also, that the
relationship was kept a secret from Jefferson's daughters and their children,
although Sally Hemings may well have told her children while they were still
living at Monticello. "We were free from the dread of having to be slaves all
our lives long," her son Madison remembered, "and were measurably happy." Is it
possible that the black Jeffersons knew who their father was, while the white
Jeffersons did not?
When we look at this story, or imagine it, from the perspective of Sally
Hemings or Thomas Jefferson, it is one thing. When we try to see it from the
point of view of the children, it is quite another. This is always the case in
families. If Freud was right in the slightest, then the relationship between
parent and child always embodies at least an element of conflict, of
disappointment, of unrequited love. The secrets that look so understandable, so
necessary for Thomas Jefferson, look quite another thing to his two families.
How could you do this to us, his white family must have asked. Or rather, if we
wish to confine ourselves to what we know, he could not have done this to us,
they said. There are such things, after all, as moral impossibilities, which is
another way of saying that our lives cannot make sense if such a thing is
possible. If you were a white Jefferson, and your world was ordered by the
knowledge that your father or grandfather loved you above all else, that you
were entrusted with the knowledge of the real him, and if these things were
more real to you than the features on the faces of your Hemings kin, then
perhaps you would have lied, too.
And perhaps if you were Beverly Hemings or his sister Harriet, you would have
gone to Washington, taking the freedom your mother had made your father give
you as his only legacy, other than a face so like his that in the moonlight
strangers could not tell you apart. And if you were Beverly or Harriet, you
would have married whites, seizing for your children the privilege of fair
skin, promised in the moonlight of a Monticello night. And you would have
turned your backs on your father's family and your mother's, as well, perhaps
concluding that family was a bad business, in the process trading the truth of
who you knew you were--the child of Thomas Jefferson, the child of a slave--for
the lie of who you now claimed to be.
And perhaps if you were Madison Hemings or his brother Eston, you would care
for your mother until she died, marry a black woman, raise a family, and tell
your children who they were, that is, who their parents were, and their parents
before them, and who you wanted them to be. And they would tell their children
and their children's children after them, and even though white people would
scoff and even say that you were just trying to make yourself into something
you were not, one day a scientist would come asking for a sample of your DNA.
And it would confirm the story your mother had told you and your father had
never acknowledged, except by the ambiguous act of letting you go free.
Let us imagine a man. Let us call him Thomas Jefferson. Let us imagine that he
evades the truth, or tells a lie, perhaps to save face, perhaps to spare the
ones he loves. It is probably both, for the two are in some measure
inextricable. He needs his family to love him, and they cannot, he fears, if he
appears to them as less than the devoted father he has claimed to be. And in
the moment that he evades the truth or tells the lie, if not before, he has
made a decision about whose love matters most, about who will receive his
tenderest love. And those white children, and their children after, are bound
by his lie, or his evasion, and they have to prop it up. It will not stand of
itself. There are at the very least the family resemblances of their Hemings
kin, and who knows how many half- caught glances and troubling sounds, not to
mention the newspapers that just happen to fall to the ground. And there may be
the nagging fears that al children have, the uncertainties about the certainty
of a father's love. And so the white family imagines or invents a documentary
record, fortuitously confirmed in account books that go pop. And they imagine
or invent a family confession, the convenient Carrs. And in protecting the
reputation of one kinsman, they tar another's.
Then, a century later, that lie, like the ones before, becomes part of the
public record. White cousins whose names otherwise would have been lost to
history are now known as scoundrels. Black children are written out of their
family, their claim upon it dismissed by history as "the Negroes' pathetic wish
for a little pride." And so the lie begun in the family becomes part of the
national lie of race, which is itself a kind of truth, a fiction that orders
the national life much as the moral impossibility of Jefferson's interracial
liaison ordered that of his white kin.
How are we to reckon the costs entailed upon the Hemings family first by their
father's silence and then by his white family's lies' Perhaps we just add them
to the unpaid bill of race, the interest skill compounding, year after year,
day after day.
And how are we to reckon the costs to the nation of an evasion compounded and
elaborated until it became a thing in itself, a cornerstone of our civic
culture?
Monticello sits atop a mountain; its slopes are slippery indeed. A public man
enters into a private relationship. He attempts to keep it private, even from
his family, even, in fact, from the family that the relationship begets. He
gives his white family his love, his black family their freedom. Which legacy
is the greater? The white part of his family uses its legacy-- the love, the
knowledge of him that this love provides--to disinherit their black kin, to
dismiss their black family's claim as moral impossibility. Theirs is a lie,
founded in love. Half the black family uses its freedom to escape the grasp of
history altogether. The other half uses it to claim its rightful inheritance,
which is to say, a heritage, a connection to history itself. Subsequent
generations take sides. A family quarrel becomes a national one as well. These
are the things we do for love.
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