To be considered black in the United States not even half of one's ancestry
must be African black. But will one-fourth do, or one-eighth, or less? The
nation's answer to the question 'Who is black?" has long been that a black is
any person with any known African black ancestry. This definition
reflects the long experience with slavery and later with Jim Crow segregation.
In the South it became known as the "one-drop rule,'' meaning that a single
drop of "black blood" makes a person a black. It is also known as the "one
black ancestor rule," some courts have called it the "traceable amount rule,"
and anthropologists call it the "hypo-descent rule," meaning that racially
mixed persons are assigned the status of the subordinate group. This
definition emerged from the American South to become the nation's definition,
generally accepted by whites and blacks. Blacks had no other choice. As we
shall see, this American cultural definition of blacks is taken for granted as
readily by judges, affirmative action officers, and black protesters as it is
by Ku Klux Klansmen.
Let us not he confused by terminology. At present the usual statement of the
one-drop rule is in terms of "black blood" or black ancestry, while not so long
ago it referred to "Negro blood" or ancestry. The term "black" rapidly replaced
"Negro" in general usage in the United States as the black power movement
peaked at the end of the 1960s, but the black and Negro populations are the
same. The term "black" is used in this book for persons with any black African
lineage, not just for unmixed members of populations from sub-Saharan Africa.
The term "Negro," which is used in certain historical contexts, means the same
thing. Terms such as "African black," "unmixed Negro," and "all black" are used
here to refer to unmixed blacks descended from African populations.
We must also pay attention to the terms "mulatto" and "colored." The term
"mulatto" was originally used to mean the offspring of a "pure African Negro"
and a "pure white." Although the root meaning of mulatto, in Spanish, is
"hybrid," "mulatto" came to include the children of unions between whites and
so-called "mixed Negroes." For example, Booker T. Washington and Frederick
Douglass, with slave mothers and white fathers, were referred to as mulattoes.
To whatever extent their mothers were part white, these men were more than half
white. Douglass was evidently part Indian as well, and he looked it.
Washington had reddish hair and gray eyes. At the time of the American
Revolution, many of the founding fathers had some very light slaves, including
some who appeared to be white. The term "colored" seemed for a time to refer
only to mulattoes, especially lighter ones, but later it became a euphemism for
darker Negroes, even including unmixed blacks. With widespread racial mixture,
"Negro" came to mean any slave or descendant of a slave, no matter how much
mixed. Eventually in the United States, the terms mulatto, colored, Negro,
black, and African American all came to mean people with any known black
African ancestry. Mulattoes are racially mixed, to whatever degree, while the
terms black, Negro, African American, and colored include both mulattoes and
unmixed blacks. As we shall see, these terms have quite different meanings in
other countries.
Whites in the United States need some help envisioning the American black
experience with ancestral fractions. At the beginning of miscegenation between
two populations presumed to be racially pure, quadroons appear in the second
generation of continuing mixing with whites, and octoroons in the third. A
quadroon is one-fourth African black and thus easily classed as black in the
United States, yet three of this person's four grandparents are white. An
octoroon has seven white great-grandparents out of eight and usually looks
white or almost so. Most parents of black American children in recent decades
have themselves been racially mixed, but often the fractions get complicated
because the earlier details of the mixing were obscured generations ago. Like
so many white Americans, black people are forced to speculate about some of the
fractions-- one-eighth this, three-sixteenths that, and so on....
Not only does the one-drop rule apply to no other group than American blacks,
but apparently the rule is unique in that it is found only in the United States
and not in any other nation in the world. In fact, definitions of who is black
vary quite sharply from country to country, and for this reason people in other
countries often express consternation about our definition. James Baldwin
relates a revealing incident that occurred in 1956 at the Conference of
Negro-African Writers and Artists held in Paris. The head of the delegation of
writers and artists from the United States was John Davis. The French
chairperson introduced Davis and then asked him why he considered himself
Negro, since he certainly did not look like one. Baldwin wrote, "He is a Negro,
of course, from the remarkable legal point of view which obtains in the United
States, but more importantly, as he tried to make clear to his interlocutor, he
was a Negro by choice and by depth of involvement--by experience, in fact."
The phenomenon known as "passing as white" is difficult to explain in other
countries or to foreign students. Typical questions are: "Shouldn't Americans
say that a person who is passing as white is white, or nearly all white,
and has previously been passing as black?" or "To be consistent, shouldn't you
say that someone who is one-eighth white is passing as black?" or "Why is there
so much concern, since the so-called blacks who pass take so little negroid
ancestry with them?" Those who ask such questions need to realize that
"passing" is much more a social phenomenon than a biological one, reflecting
the nation's unique definition of what makes a person black. The concept of
"passing" rests on the one-drop rule and on folk beliefs about race and
miscegenation, not on biological or historical fact.
The black experience with passing as white in the United States contrasts with
the experience of other ethnic minorities that have features that are clearly
non-caucasoid. The concept of passing applies only to blacks--consistent with
the nation's unique definition of the group. A person who is one-fourth or less
American Indian or Korean or Filipino is not regarded as passing if he or she
intermarries and joins fully the life of the dominant community, so the
minority ancestry need not be hidden. It is often suggested that the key reason
for this is that the physical differences between these other groups and whites
are less pronounced than the physical differences between African blacks and
whites, and therefore are less threatening to whites. However, keep in
mind that the one-drop rule and anxiety about passing originated during slavery
and later received powerful reinforcement under the Jim Crow system.
For the physically visible groups other than blacks, miscegenation promotes
assimilation, despite barriers of prejudice and discrimination during two or
more generations of racial mixing. As noted above, when ancestry in one of
these racial minority groups does not exceed one-fourth, a person is not
defined solely as a member of that group. Masses of white European immigrants
have climbed the class ladder not only through education but also with the help
of close personal relationships in the dominant community, intermarriage, and
ultimately full cultural and social assimilation. Young people tend to marry
people they meet in the same informal social circles. For visibly
non-caucasoid minorities other than blacks in the United States, this entire
route to full assimilation is slow but possible.
For all persons of any known black lineage, however, assimilation is blocked
and is not promoted by miscegenation. Barriers to full opportunity and
participation for blacks are still formidable, and a fractionally black person
cannot escape these obstacles without passing as white and cutting off all ties
to the black family and community. The pain of this separation, and
condemnation by the black family and community, are major reasons why many or
most of those who could pass as white choose not to. Loss of security within
the minority community, and fear and distrust of the white world are also
factors.
It should now be apparent that the definition of a black person as one with any
trace at all of black African ancestry is inextricably woven into the history
of the United States. It incorporates beliefs once used to justify slavery and
later used to buttress the castelike Jim Crow system of segregation. Developed
in the South, the definition of "Negro" (now black) spread and became the
nation's social and legal definition. Because blacks are defined according to
the one-drop rule, they are a socially constructed category in which there is
wide variation in racial traits and therefore not a race group in the
scientific sense. However, because that category has a definite status
position in the society it has become a self-conscious social group with an
ethnic identity.
The one-drop rule has long been taken for granted throughout the United States
by whites and blacks alike, and the federal courts have taken "judicial notice"
of it as being a matter of common knowledge. State courts have generally upheld
the one-drop rule, but some have limited the definition to one thirty-second or
one-sixteenth or one-eighth black ancestry, or made other limited exceptions
for persons with both Indian and black ancestry. Most Americans seem unaware
that this definition of blacks is extremely unusual in other countries, perhaps
even unique to the United States, and that Americans define no other minority
group in a similar way. . . .
We must first distinguish racial traits from cultural traits, since they are so
often confused with each other. As defined in physical anthropology and
biology, races are categories of human beings based on average
differences in physical traits that are transmitted by the genes not by blood.
Culture is a shared pattern of behavior and beliefs that are learned and
transmitted through social communication. An ethnic group is a group
with a sense of cultural identity, such as Czech or Jewish Americans, but it
may also be a racially distinctive group. A group that is racially distinctive
in society may be an ethnic group as well, but not necessarily. Although
racially mixed, most blacks in the United States are physically distinguishable
from whites, but they are also an ethnic group because of the distinctive
culture they have developed within the general American framework.
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