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Tibetans commonly draw a distinction between three religious traditions: (1)
the divine dharma (Iha chos), or Buddhism; (2) Bon dharma (bon chos);
and (3) the dharma of human beings (mi chos), or folk religion. The
first category includes doctrines and practices that are thought to be
distinctively Buddhist. This classification implicitly assumes that the divine
dharma is separate and distinct from the other two, although Tibetan Buddhism
clearly incorporated elements of both of these traditions.
Bon is commonly considered to be the indigenous religious tradition of
Tibet, a system of shamanistic and animistic practices performed by
priests called shen (gshen) or bonpo (bon po). Although this is
widely assumed by Buddhists, historical evidence indicates that the Bon
tradition only developed as a self-conscious religious system under the
influence of Buddhism.
When Buddhism entered the country practitioners of indigenous traditions
recognized that there were clear differences between their own practices and
those of the foreign faith, and in time people who perceived themselves as
adherents of the old religion of Tibet developed a separate tradition, but one
that incorporated many Buddhist elements. Although later historical works
state that the introduction of Buddhism was initially opposed by "Bon," this
term is not even used in the early dynastic records to refer to indigenous
traditions and practices. Instead, they are called cho (chos), the same
term later used to translate the Sinskrit term dharma, which in Buddhist
literature refers to Buddhist doctrine and practice. In inscriptions on the
tomb of king Senalek (799-815), for example, the term bon refers to the
royal priests whose job was to perform rituals for the Yarlung kings.
In early, records, "bon" denotes a particular type of priest who performed
rituals to propitiate local spirits and ensure the well-being of the dead in
the afterlife. It is only much later, under the influence of Buddhism, that
"Bon" comes to designate pre-Buddhist Tibetan religious practices in general.
It should also be noted that the rituals performed by these early priests as
reported in the old records appear to differ substantially from contemporary
Bon. As Per Kvaerne notes, for example, they were by all accounts concerned
with taking care of the dead through ceremonies intended to ensure their safe
journey to the afterlife and their material prosperity after arrival.1 The
rituals of the bon often involved sacrificing animals (mainly horses, yaks, and
sheep), making offerings of food and drink, and burying the dead with precious
jewels, the benefits of which were apparently transferred to them in the
afterlife through shamanistic rituals. The most elaborate of these were the
ceremonies for the kings, each of whom was buried in a specially-constructed
tomb, and apparently joined in death by servants, ministers, and retainers.
The royal priests then performed special ceremonies, which according to old
records sometimes lasted for several years. These were intended to ensure the
well-being of the kings in the afterlife and to solicit their help in mundane
affairs.
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The Tibetan folk religion encompasses indigenous beliefs and practices, many of
which predate the introduction of Buddhism and which are commonly viewed as
being distinct from the mainstream of Buddhist practice. These are primarily
concerned with propitiation of the spirits and demons of Tibet, which are
believed to inhabit all areas of the country Folk religious practices rely
heavily on magic and ritual and are generally intended to bring mundane
benefits, such as protection from harm, good crops, healthy livestock, health,
wealth, etc. Their importance to ordinary people should not be underestimated,
since in the consciousness of most Tibetans the world is full of multitudes of
powers and spirits, and the welfare of humans requires that they be propitiated
and sometimes subdued. Every part of the natural environment is believed to be
alive with various types of sentient forces, who live in mountains, trees,
rivers and likes, rocks, fields, the sky, and the earth. Every region has its
own native supernatural beings, and people living in these areas are strongly
aware of their presence. In order to stay in their good graces, Tibetans give
them offerings, perform rituals to propitiate them, and sometimes refrain from
going to particular places so as to avoid the more dangerous forces.
In the often harsh environment of Tibet, such practices are believed to give
people a measure of control over their unpredictable and sometimes hazardous
surroundings. With the almost total triumph of Buddhism in Tibet, the folk
religion became infused with Buddhist elements and practices, but it still
remains distinct in the minds of the people, mainly because its focus is on
pragmatic mundane benefits, and not on final liberation or the benefit of
others. By all accounts, Tibetans have always been fascinated by magical and
occult practices, and from the earliest times have viewed their country as the
abode of countless supernatural forces whose actions have direct bearing on
their lives. Since Buddhist teachers tend to focus on supramundane goals,
Tibetans naturally seek the services of local shamans, whose function is to
make contact with spirits, to predict their influences on people's lives, and
to perform rituals that either overcome harmful influences or enlist their
help.
When Buddhism entered Tibet, it did not attempt to suppress belief in the
indigenous forces. Rather, it incorporated them into its worldview, making
them protectors of the dharma who were converted by tantric adepts like
Padmasambhava, and who now watch over Buddhism and fight against its enemies.
An example is Tangla, a god associated with the Tangla mountains, who was
convinced to become a Buddhist by Padmasambhava and now is thought to guard his
area against forces inimical to the dharma. The most powerful deities are
often considered to be manifestations of buddhas, bodhisattvas, Oikinis, etc.,
but the mundane forces are thought to be merely worldly powers, who have
demonic natures that have been suppressed by Buddhism. Although their
conversion has ameliorated the worst of their fierceness, they are still demons
who must be kept in check by shamanistic rituals and the efforts of Buddhist
adepts. Nor should it be thought that Buddhist practitioners are free from the
influences of the folk religion. These beliefs and practices are prevalent in
all levels of Tibetan society, and it is common to see learned scholar-lamas,
masters of empirically-based dialectics and thoroughly practical in daily
affairs, refuse to travel at certain times in order to avoid dangerous spirits
or decide their travel schedules after first performingl divination to
determine the most auspicious time. Such attitudes may be dismissed as
"irrational" by Westerners, but for Tibetans they are entirely pragmatic
responses to a world populated by forces that are potentially harmful.
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According to folk beliefs, the world has three parts: sky and heavens, earth,
and the "lower regions." Each of these has its own distinctive spirits, many of
which influence the world of humans. The upper gods (steng Iha) live in
the atmosphere and sky, the middle tsen (bar btsan) inhabit the earth,
and the lower regions are the home of yoklu (g.yog klu), most notably
snake-bodied beings called lu (klu naga), which live at the bottoms of
lakes, rivers, and wells and are reported to hoard vast stores of treasure.
The spirits that reside in rocks and trees are called nyen (gnyan); they
are often malicious, and Tibetans issociate them with sickness and death. Lu
are believed to bring leprosy, and so it is important to keep them away from
human habitations. Sadak (sa bdag, "lords of the earth") are beings
that live under the ground and are connected with agriculture. Tsen are
spirits that live in the atmosphere, and are believed to shoot arrows at humans
who disturb them. These cause illness and death. Tsen appear as demonic
figures with red skin, wearing helmets and riding over the mountains in red
horses. Du (bdud, mara) were apparently originally atmospheric spirits,
but they came to be associated with the Buddhist demons called mara
which are led by their king (also named Mara), whose primary goal is to
lead sentient beings into ignorance, thus perpetuating the vicious cycle of
samsara.
There are many other types of demons and spirits, and a comprehensive listing
and discussion of them exceeds the focus of this book. Because of the great
interest most Tibetans have in these beings and the widespread belief in the
importance of being aware of their powers and remaining in their good graces,
the folk religion is a rich and varied system, with a large pantheon, elaborate
rituals and ceremonies, local shamans with special powers who can propitiate
and exorcise, and divinatory practices that allow humans to predict the
influences of the spirit world and take appropriate measures. All of these are
now infused with Buddhist influences and ideas, but undoubtedly retain elements
of the pre-Buddhist culture.
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Adherents of Bon view their tradition as being distinct from Buddhism, although
it clearly contains many Buddhist elements. The term bon for Bonpos
(practitioners of Bon) signifies "truth," "reality," and "the true doctrine"
which provides a path to liberation. For Bonpos, bon has roughly the
same range of meanings that the term cho(chos, dharma) has for Tibetan
Buddhists: it refers to their religion as a whole-teachings, practices
etc.-which are believed to have been revealed by enlightened beings who took
rebirth in order to lead others to salvation. Bon today has absorbed many
Buddhist elements, and many of its teachings are strikingly similar to those of
Tibetan Buddhism. David Snellgrove contends that it has incorporated so many
Buddhist elements that it has become
a form of Buddhism that may fairly be regarded as heretical, in that those who
follow it have persisted in claiming that their religion was taught not by
Sakyamuni Buddha, but by Shen-rab [Shenrap], likewise accepted as Buddha, and
that it came not from India, but from Ta-zig [Taksik] and by way of
Zhang-zhung [Shangshung]. Such are the Bonpos, who have managed to hold their
own down to the present day against the enormously more powerful
representatives of orthodox Buddhism, while they are constantly and quite
wrongly identified by other Tibetans ... as the persistent practitioners of
pre-Buddhist Tibetan religion.2
In Buddhist sources, the Bonpos are commonly portrayed as malicious
reactionaries whose manipulations hindered the dissemination of the dharma, who
caused Santaraksita to be driven from the country, and who tried to prevent
Padmasambhava's arrival. As Snellgrove and Richardson contend, however, such
characterizations are probably unfair to Bon and are written from a rather
narrow perspective.
Like all national historians, Tibetan writers of history see everything from a
Tibetan point of view, and being fervent Buddhists as well, they inevitably see
everything from a rather special Tibetan Buddhist point of view. Their view of
the world around them is a simple one: in so far as it furthers the interests
of their religion in general and their own religious order and monastery in
particular, it is good; in so far as it works against their religion, their
order and their monastery it is evil. Intemally the Bon-pos tend to become the
scapegoat for everything that had rendered the Buddhist conversion of Tibet at
all difficult, while most Tibetan Buddhists themselves remain almost innocently
unaware of the great variety of pre-Buddhist beliefs and practices that they
have absorbed as an accepted part of their daily thoughts and actions .3
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home .
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