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Over the years, reseachers have documented persistent gaps in the performance
of different groups on the SAT and other standardized tests. For example, the
College Board reported that the average score for women bound for college this
Fall is 43 points below the average score for men. The average score for Asian
Americans, Asians and Pacific Islanders on the SAT I math was 32 points higher
than that for whites. But the greatest disparities have been documented between
African Americans and whites.
Christopher Jencks and Meredith Phillips, editors of the 1998 book The
Black-White Test Score Gap, point out in their introduction that African
Americans score lower than whites on vocabulary, reading and math tests, as
well as on tests such as the SAT. This gap appears before kindergarten and
persists into adulthood. The average black student scores below 70 to 80
percent of the white students of the same age, Jencks told FRONTLINE
Similar issues arise when Mexican American and Latino students, as well as
Native American students, are compared to white students, although this
phenomenon has not been studied as widely, Jencks and Phillips say.
Among seniors who are entering college in the Fall of 1999, African Americans'
average scores on the SAT I Verbal were 93 points below white students' average
scores. Blacks scored, on average, 106 points less than whites on the SAT I
Math.
The gap in SAT scores persists even at the highest levels of achievement. A
study of the 1989 applicants to five highly-selective universities found that
white candidates' average combined SAT score was 186 points higher than the
corresponding SAT average for African American applicants. Close to 75 percent
of the white applicants scored over 1200 on the SAT, while 29 percent of black
applicants did. The results of this study were reported in the 1998 book
The Shape of the River: Long-Term Consequences of Considering Race in
College and University Admissions, by Derek Bok and William Bowen, former
presidents of Harvard and Princeton universities.
The gap cannot be easily explained. Contrary to what might be expected,
Meredith Phillips and her colleagues suggest in The Black-White Test Score
Gap that parents' income differences by themselves have almost no effect on
children's test scores. Rather, they urge us to look further back in a child's
family tree.
Whether or not a parent follows the middle-class parenting practices that are
most likely to increase a child's chances of doing well in school--having books
at home, reading to the child, taking her on a trip to the museum, for
example--depends on how the parent was raised. Even when black and white
parents have the same test scores, educational attainment, income, wealth and
number of children, black parents are more likely to have grown up in
less-advantaged households. So part of the explanation for the gap may lay in
the widespread discrimination in housing, education and employment that African
American children's grandparents faced.
In 1994, Harvard psychology professor Richard Herrnstein and economist Charles
Murray asserted in their book The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class
Structure in American Life that differences in cognitive ability
between racial groups as measured by standardized tests are due in part to
genetics. Jencks and Phillips, however, point out in The Black-White Test
Score Gap that "despite endless speculation, no one has found genetic
evidence indicating that blacks have less innate intellectual ability than
whites."
Recent studies have shown that later in life, when those students who make it
to college and post-graduate studies are faced with standardized tests such as
the SAT and the GRE, new factors come into play which might contribute to the
gap. Stanford psychology professor Claude Steele and his colleagues have
described what they call "stereotype threat." According to their research, a
student who feels he is part of a group that has been negatively stereotyped is
likely to perform less well in a situation in which he thinks that people might
evaluate him through that stereotype than in a situation in which he feels no
such pressure.
Steele has conducted experiments in which he brings in black students and white
students to take a standardized test. The first time, he tells the students
that they will be taking a test to measure their verbal and reasoning ability.
The second time, he tells them the test is an unimportant research tool. Steele
has found that the black students do less well when they are told that the test
measures their abilities. He also believes that the effects of stereotype
threat are strongest for students who are high-achievers and care very much
about doing well. They care so much about doing well, Steele says, that they
feel that if they don't they will be confirming the negative stereotypes
associated with black students. (Read FRONTLINE's interview with Claude
Steele and, Steele's article in The Atlantic.)
In another experiment, Steele brought in white and Asian men who were strong in
math. He told them the math test they were about to take was one in which
Asians do slightly better than whites. The white men performed less well when
they were told this, than when they were not. Another experiment showed that
stereotype threat also brought down the performance of strong female math
students.
Even though it has persisted, the black-white test score gap narrowed between
1976 and the late 1980s. Then it began to widen again.
The decline has proven that the gap can be closed. "You can argue about why it
happened, there's a lot of room for that," Jencks told FRONTLINE, "but
something good took place that was both a surprise and a reason to believe
that, if we worked at it, maybe we could make more good things take place."
In The Black-White Test Score Gap, David Grissmer and his colleagues
attribute the narrowing gap (they focus their attention not on SAT scores, but
rather on reading and math tests given to 9-,13- and 17-year-olds) to
anti-poverty efforts, school desegregation, class-size reduction and more
demanding coursework implemented in the 1960s and early 1970s. The researchers
suggest that teenage violence among blacks might have contributed to the
widening of the gap starting at the end of the 1980s, but they warn that this
is insufficient to explain all of it.
Researchers like Jencks stress the importance of closing the gap. Blacks who
acquire the skills measured by these tests do better economically, he told
FRONTLINE. He also argues that closing the black-white test score gap would
affect more meaningful change than affirmative action policies in college
admissions which are currently being challenged on constitutional
grounds. "You wouldn't need to have racial preferences for admissions to elite
colleges," Jencks said, "if you actually had candidates with comparable test
scores."
For additional discussion about the test score gap, read FRONTLINE's interview
with Abigail Thernstrom.
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