Under the procedures for deciding whether to retaliate to an apparent attack,
Russia has established, in their command posts, a ten minute deadline, which
means in principle they're supposed to detect an attack, assess it, and reach a
decision on retaliation, all within a span of ten minutes. That's an
extraordinarily short period of time for a rational decision process to run its
course. And when false information gets fed into a highly tense deliberation
like that, it is potentially a formula for disaster. The Norwegian incident was
less dangerous, because the political context was calm, generally. But if that
event had occurred in a slightly different context, if there had been a
domestic crisis in Russia at the time, if there had been some international
crisis, then it would have been far more dangerous. The fact that confusion
reigned for several minutes, perhaps as many as eight, into the ten minute
deadline for reaching a decision, is, in and of itself, to me, cause for alarm
about the danger that this event posed to the world. Now, if the Russians had
interpreted this event as being truly a life and death threat to them, I
believe that their preliminary alert messages that they sent during the period
of deliberation would have been more serious than they were. They did issue
some orders to move to increased combat readiness, orders that went to the
Strategic Forces. And that is an indication that they were treating it
seriously, they were taking precautionary steps at the period when they were
uncertain as to whether this attack was real or not. But if they had been
convinced that the event represented a threat to Moscow by a US Trident missile
submarine they would have issued orders that would have flushed or dispersed
their mobile land based rockets out of their garages, orders that would have
led the bomber crews to meet up warheads to their bombers, and steps like this,
that weren't taken....
As the operators in the early warning centers watched the blip on the
screen, it split into sections. What happened there? Do those sections in any
way resemble what would have happened with a Trident missile?
...I believe, though I don't know for sure, that what they observed from the
radar returns was a missile that had the characteristics of a Trident ballistic
missile that can carry eight or ten warheads. I believe that the trajectory, in
the initial minutes of the detection, was quite uncertain. It could have been a
missile that would land on Russian territory. The velocity, the number of
stages of the missile..., its trajectory, its path, looked very similar to a
Trident missile. And when the stages separated, and part of the missile fell
aside, it certainly would have resembled a Trident missile, and it's very
understandable that radar operators would conclude that this issue was above
their pay grade, and needed to be evaluated by a higher authority. So, what I
believe they did, since they had never seen a scientific rocket with these
characteristics, and had seen Trident missile characteristics that were very
similar, that they passed the buck...first to the Early Warning Center,
outside of Moscow, and also to the General Staff...war-time command post at
Chekhov, south of Moscow, and they also were unable to make a firm
determination as to the identity of and nature of this event, and immediately
activated, from the General Staff War Room the famous nuclear briefcase carried
by President Yeltsin and the Defense Minister and Chief of the General Staff,
and initiated an emergency conference, just like the conference the United
States would hold under similar circumstances. [This] immediately brought
President Yeltsin into consultation with his top nuclear advisers to receive
information about the event that is displayed on a panel inside the nuclear
briefcase. And to hear, through an emergency telecommunications conference,
over the phone, the assessment of his military, as to whether this was an
attack and what we should do about it. And I think that that was, no doubt an
extraordinarily high adrenaline phase of this process.
Has it ever happened before, in Russian military history, that the nuclear
briefcases have been activated like that?
The irony of the event is that this, to my knowledge, neither Russia nor the
Soviet Union had ever gone into an emergency drill of this sort with the
nuclear briefcase activated by a false alarm....
Was there a realistic possibility that, with discussions, they could have
concluded that it was an American or a Western missile and there was a genuine
threat? Was retaliation ever in the cards?
Well, the problem today is that Russia relies very heavily on the quick launch
of its forces, so there's very little time to...ensure that the information
is totally reliable. So under the circumstances, I think it's fair to say that
there was a risk. How large is hard to say, but there was definitely a risk of
a mistaken launch triggered by the Norwegian scientific rocket. If the event
had occurred in a different context, that risk would have gone up. It could
have been very high, in the right situation, or, I should say, the wrong
situation. How are you to know how close one comes to a catastrophic human
mistake, under the circumstances of such enormous pressure? I believe that
there's an inherent risk in the operation of these nuclear arsenals, with
thousands of warheads poised on missiles, ready for firing at a moment's notice
and governed by a doctrine or a strategy of quick launch, of launch-on-warning.
That has to be an inherent danger in the sense that no human being could really
make a reliable, good decision, under the pressure of time that is allowed
under this procedure....
What is the launch-on-warning policy and why does it increase the danger of
a retaliation?
Launch-on-warning means firing one's own weapons between the time that we would
detect an incoming missile strike and the time that those incoming warheads
land on their targets. And that flight time would range between ten and thirty
minutes, depending on the location of the launch. And so, launch-on-warning
basically calls for firing one's own forces before they're destroyed on. And
that only allows a few minutes for assessing an incoming attack, determining
that it is real, and the country of origin, and its magnitude. A few minutes
more for deciding whether to retaliate and how to retaliate, and a few minutes
more for transmitting the orders and having them implemented by crews in the
field. You add it all up, and it's only about a ten minute period of time that
is allowed for this option.
Russia relies heavily on this because of the acute vulnerability of its forces.
They no longer disperse their weapons into the sanctuaries of the oceans and
the forests for their protection, because they lack the resources to keep these
forces operating at a high tempo....So the vast bulk of the Russian nuclear
arsenal is sitting in silos or in garages or at dockside, which puts them into
a very vulnerable position. And if those forces don't fire from dockside, or
their garages or silos, very quickly, they could be destroyed. Russian planners
appreciate this fact very well, and they have geared their entire operation to
fire those weapons out quickly before they're destroyed, or before the command
and control network is disrupted, which in and of itself, could be a decisive
failure in the strategic forces of Russia. So, for reasons of vulnerability of
command and forces, today, Russia relies more on launch-on-warning than it ever
has in the past, and, at the same time, Russia's early warning and command
systems are deteriorating....
The end of the cold war surely means that they don't have the enemy that
they once had. Is it inconceivable to the Russians that the West would ever
launch an attack on them, or is there still the mindset there that an attack is
possible? That a vestige of the cold war still continues?
I believe that the mindset of the Russian military planner is not that much
different from its mindset during the cold war. And we certainly operate our
nuclear forces as though the cold war never ended. We have thousands of
strategic warheads, on each side, ready to be fired within a few minutes....
Now, that, to me, would represent a threat that has to be treated seriously by
both US and Russian planners....I don't think the mindsets have changed
enough, certainly, to take much comfort from the end of the cold war. And I
believe that it is conceivable that, under the right brew of circumstances, we
could find ourselves in a very tense and dangerous relationship with Russia....
In the comfort of our living rooms, we might imagine that the cold war is over
and the threat has completely dissipated, but I think out there, within the
military, the operations have not changed and the mindsets have not changed as
much as you might imagine. I might also point out that many people say that,
"Oh, the Russians surely can't imagine an attack against them by the United
States, by the West," but the Russian military is observing, on a daily basis,
all of the cold war operations that they observed during the cold war. And that
includes...reconnaissance aircraft that we fly around the Russian borders,
looking for holes in their air defense system where we could run bombers in
during war-time. It consists of reconnaissance missions conducted by
submarines, that occasionally go bump in the night to remind Russia of our
presence. It includes anti-submarine warfare operations that we conduct every
day against Russian forces, which we trail, and which we threaten. And there is
a large set of daily activities that remind both sides' military establishments
that there's still a state of virtual cold war, in terms of the operational
world that they live in.
Do you see the Norwegian case as an isolated case or did it indicate
something on a much wider scale?
Almost all false alarms in the history of the US nuclear warning network, and
probably the Russian, as well, have been idiosyncratic. They have been unique
in some respect. I recall two major false alarms on the US side, one in `79 and
one in 1980. One was caused by the inadvertent insertion of a tape that
simulated an all out attack against the United States, that was inserted by
crews in the early warning system, who were just testing out the system. And
that information was transmitted to the combat system, and looked like a real
attack. In the second incident, in 1980, a 23-cent computer chip failed and
generated information that looked like a large Soviet attack against the United
States. These events are somewhat unique, they're not going to reoccur in
exactly the same way that they did the first time around....Every false alarm
in US history that I have studied indicates that it was unique in every case,
and not to be replicated in the future. But I'm not sure that there's much
comfort to be drawn from that, because there is a history of false alarms on
both sides, and they will recur, and the only question really is how often, and
what's the context, and what's the nature of the false alarm, and in every
case, it will be a unique situation.
What is not unique, what is generally true about the Russian situation, is that
their early warning and command systems have fallen on hard times, and they are
deteriorating in physical respects. There are holes in the radar and satellite
constellations. Russia has almost no ability to monitor the oceans from space,
so they rely heavily on ground radars, and the ground radars are not being
maintained properly. The crews that operate them are not as proficient as they
once were, their morale is not as high. In every sense of the word, the Russian
early warning and command system is suffering. And that's a trend that is
almost certain to produce more false alarms in the future....
When the Russian command and control system was designed and
implemented originally, was the level of sophistication of the safety
procedures to prevent a mistaken or unauthorized launch satisfactory at that
point in history?
Well, tight central control over nuclear weapons is a core value of the Russian
military and political culture, we all know that, going back to Stalin. And so,
as you can imagine, the Russian designers went to extraordinary lengths to
ensure tight control over nuclear weapons. And the architecture of their system
of control and safeguards is much more impressive than that of the United
States. For example, they can monitor the status of missiles in their holes in
Siberia from Moscow, and can actually both fire them from Moscow or override
unauthorized launch commands from Moscow. There are electronic feedback loops
all the way through the system, from bottom to top. This is unique. The United
States has nothing close to that degree of ability to monitor and control its
nuclear weapons. So, Russia's system of control, on paper, is extraordinarily
impressive. The problem is that it wasn't designed for the kinds of upheavals
that we have observed and they have experienced since the end of the cold war,
which include coups, secession of parts of the country on which nuclear weapons
are stationed, deepening civil/military tensions..., a complete breakdown in
some areas of the military, in training and discipline and morale, a lack of
adequate resources to troubleshoot these systems and make sure that they're
overhauled and repaired properly. No command system, however impressive on
paper, can function well under the circumstances of acute political
instability and lack of resources. And that's the situation in Russia today, a
set of safeguards that are impressive on paper but which are not being
maintained and which were not designed for some of the threats that Russia now
has to deal with.
...Imagine, a year or two ago, the head of the prestigious institute that
designed all of the nuclear control and communications networks for the Soviet
and then Russian Strategic Rocket Forces, that institute went out on strike,
including the director of the institute. [They] went out into the streets to
protest pay arrears, to protest the lack of resources to overhaul this vital
part of the nuclear arsenal..., to protest the lack of resources to
troubleshoot this system which is aging and needs to be repaired, and is
generating more problems all the time. So, when you have a situation in which
the designers believe that there's a serious concern, and they're actually
going on strike to protest it, I take that to be a serious sign that something
is awry.
Why were nuclear briefcases introduced in the `80s?
The nuclear briefcases were deployed because of the threat of Pershing II
missiles that were going to be deployed in Europe in the early 1980s, which in
the Russian view could have been launched and reach Moscow in under ten
minutes, which meant that they could catch the leadership and decapitate the
top leadership before they would have a chance to decide on retaliation, unless
they had, in their possession, a handy-dandy device that would allow them to
give authority to launch Soviet weapons immediately on receiving warning of an
incoming Pershing attack. The Pershings were not deployed as part of the arms
control deal cut in the early 1980s, but the submarine threat remains. And, in
fact, the submarine threat grew in the eyes of the Russian planner, so that,
today, they still require use of the nuclear briefcase so that the President,
or his successor, can give permission to launch nuclear weapons immediately
upon determining that Moscow is under attack by Trident submarine missiles.
This was the underlying consideration during the Norwegian incident that
activated the famous nuclear briefcase....
The nuclear briefcase is designed to receive early warning information and
display it, and to allow the political leadership to give permission to the
military to launch strategic forces. And that permission code that is contained
in the nuclear briefcase carried by the President, is, by itself, neither
necessary nor sufficient to initiate a missile strike. It simply is a
mechanism, a device, that allows the President to, in a very efficient way,
tell the military, "Go ahead and fire the missiles." ...[The] briefcase does
not transmit a signal that directly initiates a missile strike, it transmits a
signal that is received by people, mainly at the General Staff headquarters,
who then decide whether it's truly authentic and what to do about it. And then
they format a message that contains the real launch authorization and unlock
codes, that they then would transmit to the submarine crews and the land rocket
crews and others to carry out the orders. The General Staff possesses the
wherewithal to initiate a strategic launch on its own, with or without the
permission of the President, Defense Minister, or Chief of the General Staff.
It's an arrangement identical to the one that exists in the US system, where
our President carries codes around that he would use to give permission to use
nuclear weapons. But our military carry the real codes that would be put into a
message that would be sent out, that would actually trigger the crews in the
field to fire their weapons....
The deterioration of the command and control system, if you were summing up
generally about it, how would you say it compared now to ten or twenty years
ago, just the level of functioning of it?
Ten or twenty years ago, the Russian nuclear command system and early warning
network was operating at a very high tempo, I think quite efficiently and
performing quite well, although they have always had gaps in radar coverage and
early warning coverage, they've always had problems in their control of nuclear
weapons. But the situation today, I would say, is many times worse than it was
then, primarily because of the lack of funds to maintain the system, and not
only the hardware but also to maintain the people and to ensure their adherence
to nuclear weapon safety rules, their motivation to perform well, and to ensure
proper training and proficiency of the people who operate these networks.
Is morale is lower in the Strategic Forces than ever?
The people I talk to who are close to the Strategic Rocket Forces and other
elite nuclear units, including naval units, tell me that morale is lower than
it has been historically. And this is manifest in increasing rates of suicide.
Within the Strategic Rocket Forces, for example, where suicide officers have
been established newly established at bases around the strategic installations
to try to contain this problem. There clearly are signs of frustration within
the nuclear navy. There are reports of desertion by crews who refuse to go out
on a combat mission. Of families, of crew members, who are staging strikes or
protest actions because of lack of pay or food or housing or something....
Is it possible, given that low morale, that the normal checks and balances
in the command system could be short-circuited, that there might be a way a
relatively low level commander could trigger a nuclear launch, either from a
silo or an SS-20 or a submarine?
The likelihood of a successful unauthorized launch of strategic forces by the
lowest echelon of command and control, I think, is fairly remote, but is
increasing. Those crews need special unlocking codes in order to be able to
physically fire their weapons. But in some cases, those coding systems are
breaking down and are not being fixed. Some of the alarms that would notify
others that an unauthorized action was taking place may not be functional any
longer, they may be broken and not fixed. So that there's a general
deterioration that can only increase the potential danger of an unauthorized
launch, but I think that's among the least plausible of all of the scenarios of
a breakdown of Russian control.
Now, the submarines are in kind of a category by themselves....A submarine is
a vehicle that is not monitored continuously by a higher authority, nor can a
higher authority take immediate action to override the conduct of a submarine
crew. So there's autonomy on the submarine force that's lacking, say, in a
land-based rocket force. So it's hard to know, because we haven't studied the
blueprints, but it's certainly conceivable that a submarine crew could figure
out how to circumvent safeguards, and at least pose a plausible blackmail
threat of use even if they actually hadn't succeeded in bypassing the
safeguards....
I believe that a department has been formed in the Strategic Rocket Forces
to investigate any alleged cases of unauthorized or attempted unauthorized
launches. If so, what does that tell us about their potential
seriousness?
Well, a new office or a unit was established some years ago to address
questions of the unauthorized use of nuclear weapons, and that tells me that
during the period of the dissolution of the Soviet empire, and the period when
nuclear weapons were being relocated in large numbers, and when the country,
basically, was unstable, that there was a perceived need to address the
potential risk of the unauthorized use of nuclear weapons....
We talked about the possibility of an unauthorized launch from a low level,
is it possible that someone at a higher level who decided that he wanted to
hold the Russian Army for ransom, or the world, would he ever have the capacity
to launch a missile in an unauthorized manner?
The only echelon at which we're sure the ability to launch exists is the level
of the General Staff, the highest echelon, their command posts and alternates.
There is some belief within the American intelligence community that the
ability to launch resides at somewhat lower levels, in the Strategic Rocket
Forces, for example, and the Navy and Air Force, but there is a lively debate
over the level at which the ability to launch resides in the Russian nuclear
control system. Personally, I think it resides, in peacetime, at the level of
the General Staff, its main headquarters and alternates, and, in a crisis,
should one ever occur, that ability is distributed to lower levels. And this is
where the danger would be greatest for an intermediate level commander to be in
a position to fire without authority. Now, I think that...even in peace time,
there are ways to circumvent safeguards. The question, again, is how much time
and impunity is offered to an aberrant unit to do these sorts of things. I'm
reminded of the situation in Ukraine, when Ukraine essentially could have taken
control over strategic missiles based on its territory, and by the Russian
General Staff's own estimation, bypass the existing locking devices, the
safeguards on those missiles, within a matter of days to weeks. So, clearly,
all of these safeguards only work for a period of time....
When he was announcing de-targeting, Clinton said, "American children can
sleep safely in their beds at night, there's now nothing to worry about,
Russian nuclear weapons aren't pointing at us any more." Was that really the
case? Did the de-targeting make that much of a difference?
The 1994 de-targeting agreement was entirely cosmetic and symbolic and had
absolutely no effect on the combat readiness of US and Russian nuclear forces,
or on the danger or risk of unauthorized or accidental or inadvertent use of
those weapons. Neither side stripped out their wartime targets, and, as a
result, it's as trivial as changing channels on a television set with a remote
control, to insert the war time target coordinates into the missile. In fact,
they're already sitting in the missile, they're just changing files internally,
on command. Therefore, if there's an intentional launch the crews go through
the procedure of targeting missiles just before launch, and that's a step that,
in fact, has been a standard launch procedure forever. So, this de-targeting
agreement that requires targets to be reloaded into the missiles, hasn't added
a single second to the time needed to fire the missiles intentionally....
We've talked of problems, what would you say are the chief solutions
here?
Well, I believe that we need to stand down the nuclear arsenals, take them out
of play, so they're not poised for immediate launch, so that they can no longer
be susceptible to mistaken launch-on-warning, or to unauthorized or accidental
firing....The problem that we face today is not deterrence. We don't need to
keep thousands of warheads on high alert, poised for immediate launch, in order
to deter one another. I'm not even sure we needed that many weapons during the
cold war, but we certainly don't now, at the end of the cold war. Therefore we
need to recognize that the primary challenge that we face today is not
deterrence but a failure of control, particularly in Russia, because Russia
depends more on nuclear weapons, depends more, currently, on quick launch of
those weapons, at a time when its command and early warning networks are
deteriorating. These hair trigger nuclear arsenals are inherently dangerous,
and, on the Russian side at least, becoming more dangerous, because of the
decline in early warning and control. So, the obvious solution to the danger of
the hair trigger on Russian nuclear arsenals is to take them off high alert, so
that those forces in Russia need hours, days, weeks or months of preparations,
before they can be fired. That's called de-alerting. And it's a new agenda for
arms control, and for US-Russian bilateral changes in their nuclear arsenals.
But this is an agenda that should be pursued energetically now. Because we
can't wait for decades for the nuclear arsenals to disappear, which they
probably never will, from Russia and the United States. The dangers that I've
tried to outline, of accident or unauthorized use of these forces, is a present
danger and will only respond to changes in the operational safety of these
arsenals. So we need to take steps that take Russian weapons out of play
completely, and that means of course, that American weapons need to be
de-alerted as well, and eventually, British, French and Chinese weapons.
What's the worst case scenario, if we don't adopt any of these measures and
the Russian command and control system continues its current trend of
deterioration, say, ten or twenty years hence?
...The Russian command system cannot endure the stress and strain
indefinitely, there will be an incident. And I believe that we will look back
at it, in hindsight, whether it's a year from now or ten years from now, I
can't predict the timing of this breakdown, but we will look back at it in
hindsight and decide that this was a train wreck in progress that we should
have seen coming and which was preventable. And the obvious solution is not to
count on nuclear arms control of the standard variety, which reduces the
arsenals over the course of decades, and leaves hundreds or thousands of
weapons still on high alert, but, rather, to move quickly in the months ahead,
or certainly a short period of years, to stand down these arsenals so that they
simply are not in any position to be used. This is not abolition. These weapons
could be, if necessary in a national emergency, re-deployed, re-alerted. But, on
a normal peacetime basis we have everything to gain by standing down these
arsenals so that they simply cannot be fired, period. And if we don't take
these measures, if we don't eliminate the hair trigger that exists on Russian
nuclear forces -- and, I might say, on American, too -- because there's an inherent
danger in this posture, then we are simply inviting an accident. This system is
an accident waiting to happen. And, given the adverse trends in Russian early
warning and control, physical, organizational and human I'm afraid that
something will happen and sooner rather than later.
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