|
| | |
This is excerpted from Danner's long article, "Bosnia: The Turning Point," The New York Review of Books,
2/5/98. Danner, a staff writer at The New Yorker, is the author of The Massacre at El Mozote. His
nine-part series of articles on the wars in the former Yugoslavia (see links below) will be collected in a book in early 1999.
| | | |
Early one February afternoon in 1994, people in Sarajevo shed their heavy coats and hats and poured out into streets and markets,
allowing themselves to forget, in the bright warming sun, that from
artillery bunkers and snipers' nests dug into hills and mountains
above the city hunters stared down, tracking their prey. But the
people of Sarajevo were not permitted to forget. As we cruised the
city's streets in a small armored car, climbing, under a trembling,
light-filled sky, toward the Spanish Fort, signs fell abruptly into
place: a sudden chaos of horns and screams and screeching tires; a
blue van tearing by with one eye peering out from a shattered face,
and, racing in its wake, a battered white Yugo with a smeared red
hand print emblazoned on its door.
We turned and forced our way back, struggling to trace the source of this grim caravan. When a policeman bade us stop, we clambered out and trotted down cluttered streets, dodging and stumbling through jumbles of honking vehicles until we entered once more the tiny square where, the day before, we had edged our way through
boisterous crowds, chatting with vendors behind bare wood tables
that held the besieged city's paltry wares: handfuls of leeks and
potatoes, plastic combs in garish pink and green, scatterings of loose
nuts and bolts, a blackened bit of banana, a monkey wrench
half-rusted, glinting fitfully in the beneficent sun.
Twenty-four hours later Markela marketplace stood precisely so,
when, at 12:37 on February 5, 1994, a 120-millimeter mortar shell
plunged earthward in an impossibly perfect trajectory, plummeted
within view of the somber gray facade of the Catholic cathedral and
then by the windows of gray apartment buildings, passed through
the market's ramshackle metal roof and erupted, its five pounds of
high explosive spewing out red-hot shrapnel and sending corrugated
metal shards slicing through the crowd; in an eye-blink a thick forest
of chattering, gossiping, bartering people had been cut down.
Now, turning into the tiny square, we found not infernal smoke or
darkness but, amid a terrible clarity, clumps of dark bundles strewn
about the asphalt, and, between them, spreading slowly amid shards
of charred metal and blackened vegetables and bits of plastic,
puddles of slick dark liquid.
We stepped gingerly forward, letting pass two men dragging a limp,
softly moaning figure; before us men moved from bundle to bundle,
crouching, pressing fingers to a throat, pausing, pushing back an
eyelid, staring. I left the curb, feeling my throat constrict as I passed
into a cloud of invisible and nauseating cordite; stumbling against a
car, I looked down and saw my boot soles already shiny and slick.
A big man danced quickly by me, hoisting the video camera on his
shoulder, and close at his back came sound, craning his silver boom
forward over the cameraman's head so that the two appeared
together like some great rapacious bird. I followed step by careful
step,1 and we passed through the bloody topography, tracing our
way slowly past torsos and parts of torsos; past arms and hands
and bits of limbs and unidentifiable hunks of flesh, all mixed with
blackened metal and smashed vegetables and here and there a long
splinter of wooden table. At the center of it all a man in a dark
overcoat lay on his back, fully intact, face perfectly gray, eyes
perfectly empty, staring blankly up at the perfect sky.
I took out my pen and notebook, and looked about me, somewhat
bewildered. Here and there I recognized, or thought I did, vendors I
had chatted with the day before; some artillery man on one of those
mountainsides had made of them objects now, exhibits for us and for
the evening news. I tried to tally the corpses, matching limbs to
trunks, heads to limbs, counting, counting; but it was impossible. In
the back of the market, three blank-faced men worked with
black-gloved hands behind a decrepit truck, crouching, lifting,
heaving. As I approached I realized they were trying to match up
parts of bodies on long pieces of corrugated metal; by now the
truckbed was half full and its tires and undercarriage thick with gore.
Turning back I saw a big, mustached man weeping, his hands raised
and grasping the air as he struggled to reach a blood-soaked bundle of cloth and flesh on the ground; two smaller men held him, murmuringas they worked to push him back. As the mustached face, red and distorted and full of fury, rose above the shoulders of those
imprisoning him, I realized that I had chatted with him the day
before, that he had been selling...what? Yes, lentils, that was it,
lentils and potatoes, and his wife, now eviscerated at his feet, had
stood at his side. Now he lifted his great head, stared upward, and,
raising a fist, began to shout. Along with several others I followed
his gaze and picked out the glinting specks in the bright blue sky:
the planes of NATO, patrolling over the "safe area" of Sarajevo.
Amid the human wreckage of this sun-filled square, what could this
phrase possibly mean? Since United Nations diplomats had coined
it the previous spring, as Bosnian Serb soldiers stood ready to
advance from the hills around Srebrenica and seize the town, 2 no
one had quite known. Now, amid the stench of cordite in Markela
marketplace, the world had at last been offered the hint of a
definition, one that would be affirmed in Srebrenica and Zepa the
following year: "safe area" meant very little indeed. Like so many of
their "policies" in the Bosnian war, Western leaders had constructed
this one solely of words.
Now, for the people who had elected those leaders, large glass
lenses-more and more of them bobbing and glinting now as more
cameramen pushed their way into the tiny square-would make
those words flesh. A few hundred miles away Germans and French
would press a button on a remote control and confront
overwhelming gore; across the ocean Americans, with (presumably)
more delicate sensibilities, would be permitted to see much less, but
enough blood would remain for many of these citizens to pose a
heartfelt if ephemeral question: Why is nothing being done about
this?
Though the Serbs had shelled Sarajevo for nearly two years; though
they had destroyed the National Library, burning thousands of
books, and had methodically reduced to ruins many of the city's
other cultural treasures; though they had cut off electricity and
water, forcing Sarajevans to place themselves in snipers' telescopic
sights as they chopped down every tree in every park in search of
firewood and stood in line filling plastic bottles at outdoor water
spigots-though the Serbs had killed and wounded thousands of
Sarajevans from their bunkers in the hills and from their snipers'
nests in the burned out high-rise buildings that lined "sniper's
alley," after two years of siege only "an event" like the
"Marketplace Massacre" had a chance of engaging the fickle
attention of the world. The day before, the Serbs had launched three
shells into the Dobrinja neighborhood, killing ten Sarajevans as they
waited for food; twelve days before, two Serb shells had blown
apart six children as they sledded in the filthy snow. How many
days of such steady, methodical work would be needed to match
the marketplace's toll? Six? Seven? And yet such daily work,
however deadly, didn't matter, for depending on the news in New
York or London or Paris, it could not rise to the level of "massacre."
I stood in the morgue across the road from Kosevo hospital.
Compared to the bloodslick ground of Markela, compared even to
the hospital entrance across the way-a hellhole now with
shattered figures dead and dying in the hallways and a doctor, face
brightly flushed, furious, screaming at us ("Get out, get out, I said.
Let us do our work!")-compared to that, it was quiet here,
peaceful. I found myself alone for the first time that day-alone
with those who had suddenly become the most important actors in
the Bosnia drama. All unwittingly they had forced reluctant
politicians and diplomats to come together-even now in
Washington and Brussels and Paris they were gathering in urgent
talks-and they would in the next few days change the direction of
the war. And yet they had done nothing more than thousands of
Sarajevans before them, stand in a particular place at a particular
time and, all unknowingly, find a sudden and unseen death. I took out my notebook, drew a deep breath, and began to count. It
was easier now, all had been properly arranged, what limbs and parts remained had been matched up by people well practiced in such things. Twenty-one, twenty-two, twenty-three...Yes, this was a big story, perhaps the biggest of the war. Thirty-one, thirty-two...Yes, a huge story....
"Many had ice in their ears."
"What? Excuse me?"
"Ice. They had ice in their ears," said Dr. Radovan Karadzic,
psychiatrist, poet, leader of the Bosnian Serbs, as he prepared to take
another bite of stew. "You know, the Muslims-they took bodies
from the morgue and they put them there, in the market. Even when
they shell themselves like this, no one shell kills that many. So they
went to the morgue..."
I was-and not for the first time during our lunch-left speechless.
Dr. Karadzic, clearly a very intelligent man, had mastered the fine art
of constructing and delivering with great sincerity utterances that
seemed so distant from demonstrable reality that he left no common
ground on which to contradict him. Ice in their ears? Muslim
intelligence officers stealing into the morgue to snatch corpses,
secreting them in cars, setting off a bomb in the marketplace, and in
the smoke and confusion leaving the frozen corpses strewn about the
asphalt: it seemed an absurd idea. And yet despite myself I found
myself thinking of the man in the overcoat lying on his back, staring
upward, open-eyed. His face was peculiarly gray. Strange he bore no
evident wounds... Ice in his ears? No. No, of course not.
Dr. Karadzic watched me, lightly smiled, took a bite of stew, and
chewed heartily. He is-or at least he was, during that lunch in his
office in early February 1994-a hearty man, enormous, wide as the
side of a barn and standing six foot four. In fact he appears taller than that, and this is clearly owing to the trademark hair. The hair is huge and sweeping and all-encompassing. It seems to be emerging from everywhere, head, forehead, ears, nose, in a kind of riot of power and fertility. And indeed, though he lived in Sarajevo thirty years, took his psychiatric degree at the university, and practiced in Kosevo Hospital, when he wasn't studying medicine and dabbling in poetry for a year in New York; though he recited and sang his poetry in the cafes and bars of that most cosmopolitan of cities, the Bosnian
capital, Radovan Karadzic was in fact a man of the mountains, from a
small and rough Montenegrin village.
"He has a sense of grandiosity, like many mountain people-look at
the Scots, say," said Dr. Ismet Ceric, the chief of psychiatry at
Kosevo Hospital who had largely trained Karadzic and had been his
close friend for twenty-five years. "People from the
mountains-Milosevic is Montenegrin too, you know, both his
parents come from there-these mountain people come down here
fresh and strong, and they see city people as soft and corrupt."
In many ways, that theme-fresh, pure, hardy people descending
from the mountains and from the countryside to take their revenge on the soft corrupt cosmopolitans of the cities-had marked the conflict from the beginning. During the 1950s and 1960s, the traditional Muslim gentry, deracinated by Tito's land reforms, had migrated to the cities, particularly Sarajevo, where they joined an already well-established secular Muslim intelligentsia. As Ed Vulliamy points out in his Seasons in Hell: Understanding Bosnia's War,
When Bosnians (usually Muslims, nowadays) tell
you that all three people lived together without
regard to ethnic groups, they are by and large telling
the truth. But... while the towns and cities were
nonchalant arenas for the practice of multi-ethnic
Bosnia, everyday life in the countryside was one in
which Muslims, Serbs and Croats were more insular.
The Second World War in Bosnia had been driven by
undercurrents of civil war and in the villages,
peasants who had fought on all sides, and in
particular the Serbs, made sure to keep their
weapons. For them, the war had not yet ended; it
was a question of waiting for the right moment to
recommence it.
Later, during the 1960s and 1970s, many of these Serbs also moved
to the cities, drawn by jobs in Tito's factories; but they remained ill
at ease and distrustful. To these Serbs-those of the countryside
and those who had taken uneasy root in the cities-the blood bath
carried out by the Croat fascist forces, the Ustashe, in the early
1940s remained very fresh, for almost all of them had lost family
members in it. All Serbs could recite stories of the Croat-run
concentration camp at Jasenovac, on the Bosnian border, where a
hundred thousand or more Serbs were murdered; all could tell of
massacres of Serbs like the one at Omarska (a name now notorious
as the site of the Serb-run concentration camp that appeared on the
world's television sets in August 1992); and all could instruct a
visitor by relating an anecdote about Ante Pavelic, Croatia's
Nazi-puppet dictator (as told here by the Italian war correspondent
and novelist Curzio Malaparte):
...I gazed at a wicker basket on [Pavelic's] desk.
The lid was raised and the basket seemed to be
filled with mussels, or shelled oysters-as they are
occasionally displayed in the windows of Fortnum
and Mason in Piccadilly in London. [Italian
minister Raffaele] Casertano looked at me and
winked, "Would you like a nice oyster stew?"
"Are they Dalmatian oysters?" I asked [Pavelic].
Ante Pavelic removed the lid from the basket and
revealed the mussels, that slimy and jelly-like
mass, and he said smiling, with that tired
good-natured smile of his, "It is a present from my
loyal ustashis. Forty pounds of human eyes."3
Many Serbs were well prepared for Belgrade's inescapable and
incessant propaganda that marked President Franjo Tudjman and
his Croats as a reborn Ustashe eager to recommence the work of
massacre and annihilation of Serbs, and portrayed the Muslims
both as the Croats' eager henchmen and as "Turks" determined to
create an exclusivist "Islamic Republic" in the heart of Europe.
And that deeply instilled suspicion and fear is partly why-when
thousands of Sarajevans marched for peace in the first days of April
1992, moving in a great river through the city toward the Holiday
Inn, an impossibly ugly yellow box of a building where Dr.
Karadzic had installed Serbian Democratic Party offices, and Dr.
Karadzic's bodyguards climbed to the roof and began firing into the
crowd, killing six people-that is why sixty thousand Serbs fled the
city, almost all of them relatively recent arrivals who had come to
enjoy the riches the city offered but still distrusted its sophisticated
ways.
Some of these Serbs would enlist in or be drafted into the Bosnian
Serb Army, an entity that Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic
and his generals simply created out of whole cloth by rechristening
the eighty thousand fully equipped Yugoslav Peoples Army troops
then in Bosnia; these Serbs would take their places on the
mountainsides, living in the tiny log cabins with their tiny wisps of
cooking smoke that marked each artillery emplacement, and
spending their days gazing, over the barrel of a cannon, at the
beautiful city that had welcomed them.
Radovan Karadzic, doctor, psychiatrist, businessman, poet, a man
who had traveled, who had broad and cosmopolitan interests,
among them a devotion to American poetry, would seem to have
little in common with such men. True, he had been born in 1945,
into the violent postwar world of peasant Montenegro; his father
had fought as a Chetnik, a Serbian nationalist guerrilla, and served
time in Tito's prisons. And during our conversation the war he then
presided over and the slaughter of a half-century before often
blended together.
"The Serbs did not invent ethnic cleansing," he told me, several
times. "The Croatsdid, in World War II. When Tudjman and Izetbegovic formed a [Croat-Muslim] alliance, all Serbs were frightened to death that the same would happen as during the war, when hundreds of thousands of innocent Serbs were slaughtered."
This was partly true, of course: Karadzic well understood, as
Goebbels did, that any effective propaganda had within it a kernel
of truth. But memories were only the beginning; nationalist leaders
like Milosevic, Tudjman, and Karadzic, as former US Ambassador
to Yugoslavia Warren Zimmerman points out, "were able to turn
many normal people toward extremism by playing on their historic
fears through the baleful medium of television, a matchless
technological tool in the hands of dictators."
The nationalist media sought to terrify by evoking
mass murderers of a bygone time. The Croatian
press described Serbs as "Cetniks." ... For the
Serbian press Croatians were "Ustase" (and later,
Muslims became "Turks"). People who think
they're under ethnic threat tend to seek refuge in
their ethnic group. Thus did the media's terror
campaign establish ethnic solidarity on the basis of
an enemy to be both hated and feared.
At the time we spoke, in early 1994, the so-called historic
Croat-Muslim alliance which had "frightened all the Serbs to death"
had largely collapsed; Bosnian Croats and Muslims fought bitterly
in Mostar, Vitez, and elsewhere. Croat troops had seized Bosnians
who had battled at their sides against the Serbs and had forced
them, together with Muslims "cleansed" from west Mostar,
Capljina, Stolae, and other villages, into concentration camps whose
brutality rivaled that of Omarska and other Serb camps. Ed
Vulliamy visited Dretelj in September 1993:
Their huge burning eyes, cropped heads and
shrivelled, sickly torsos emerged only as one
became accustomed to the darkness: hundreds of
men, some of them gaunt and horribly thin,
crammed like factory farm beasts into the stinking,
putrid spaces of two large underground storage
hangars built into the hillside.... This infernal
tunnel had been their hideous home for ten weeks
now....
At the back of the hangars, the walls were
pockmarked with bullet-holes.... Prisoners talked
about Croatian guards coming up to the hangar
doors after drinking sessions and singing as they
fired into their quarters.... Estimates of the number
of dead on these occasions ranged from three to
ten.
However much Karadzic insisted on the continuity of today's
conflict with that of the early 1940's, he never seemed convincing,
or to have convinced himself. For Karadzic's entire life had followed
the opposite path: he had escaped from the past, fleeing the insular
country for the cosmopolitan light of Sarajevo. Izeta Bajramovic,
who ran a corner sweet shop, described the young Karadzic to a
Los Angeles Times reporter as an awkward kid with a messy head
of hair who used to hang around waiting for free pieces of baklava.
"He was skinny, hairy and shy, very, very shy," she recalled. "I
used to feel sorry for him. He was provincial, a typical peasant lost
in the big city."
Many recall that he wore every day the same dirty white sweater,
made from the wool of his native village, and that even then, his big
head of hair set him apart. "He had a hillbilly kind of haircut, very
fashionable in his village," recalled Mohamed Dedajic, the
neighborhood barber. "When I tried to make a suggestion, he'd say,
'No, no, I like long hair.'"4
Perhaps he thought his Byronic locks appropriate to a great poet,
for if one theme arises again and again in conversations about the
younger Karadzic it is the breadth of his ambition, his
single-minded determination to achieve greatness. "He told me he
was the great poet of Serbian history," Dr. Ceric told me. "I said, 'I
know ten here in Sarajevo who are better than you and maybe seven
hundred in Belgrade.' He hardly reacted. He said, 'Well, I have three
books out already and soon [my reputation] is going to go: boom!'"
"But it was the same with his psychiatry," said Ceric. "He was
good, but not excellent. He had many ideas but to be excellent you must follow one way, have one thought. He had many other interests-soccer, poetry, business-that took too much of his time."
Karadzic married a psychoanalyst, the daughter of an old and
well-to-do Serb family. Among his poet friends, his bride was not
popular; they thought her unattractive and domineering and they
assumed he married her so that, as one man told me, "the peasant
could get some money." Soon he was appointed official psychiatrist
to the Sarajevo national soccer team, a prominent and desirable
position, but unfortunately his pep talks on the psychology of
confidence and winning seemed to bring the young players little
success. Meantime his face and hair became familiar to Sarajevans as
he doggedly read his poems on television and radio and at the cafes,
but, as Ceric told me, "his reputation among his colleagues remained
relatively low."
One can see a traditional plot taking shape here: ambitious and
idealistic country boy arrives in the glittering city, struggles
desperately to make good, but succeeds only in earning the laughter
and contempt of the cosmopolitan intellectuals he longs to impress;
and so he climbs back up the mountainside, rejoins the "clean and
pure" fellow peasants, and takes his revenge. It is a convenient story,
particularly when one glances at the facades of Karadzic's old
apartment house-his name remains on the bell-and of Kosevo
Hospital, and notes pockmarks from shells launched by Karadzic's
guns, just below his Pale chalet-office where we spoke. Several
Saraje-vans told me how the psychiatrist-poet, during a reading, had
been laughed and jeered off the stage, how he had fled cursing and
redfaced and resentful; but none knew where the event had taken
place, or when. In his memoir, The Tenth Circle of Hell, Rezak
Hukanovic writes of the planning for the Serb concentration camps:
And where on earth was the poisonous game
conceived? In the head of that bloodthirsty lyricist,
the mad psychiatrist from Sarajevo, Radovan
Karadzic. Years before, clearly spelling out the evil
to come, he had written: "Take no pity let's go/kill
that scum down in the city."
But the poem-entitled "Let's Go Down to the Town and Kill Some
Scum" (1971)-seems clearly to have been an attempt to capture the
feelings of Yugoslav peasants and was understood as such at the
time. To read into it a secret program for wholesale extermination on
the part of the author, a kind of Mein Kampf in verse, is to assume
an intent for which there is little evidence. As Dr. Ceric told me,
echoing many who knew Karadzic well,
Radovan had a cosmopolitan approach to problems.
You never felt he was a Serb, never. You never felt
he was a religious man. I remain quite sure to this
day that he is absolutely atheistic. A lot of his
friends were Muslims. He was, in fact, a very
typical man of this multicultural environment.
His neighborhood was fully integrated (Alija Izetbegovic, now
Bosnia's president, lived around the corner); Serbs, Croats, and
Muslims occupied apartments in his building; a Muslim stood as
godfather to his son. Even as his guns destroyed it-two days,
indeed, after a shell had killed sixty-eight people who were shopping
in the sunshine of the public marketplace-Dr. Karadzic spoke
warmly of his city. "I liked very much living in Sarajevo," he told me.
"It was very pleasant there. Culturally, the city looked more toward
the West. At that time too, before the war, even Muslims felt more
Serb than Muslim. Of course, that is what they are: Serbs who
became Muslim under the Turks. Many of them identified
themselves only as Yugoslavs, because religion was much less
important than national unity."
Then came 1989, and Milosevic's fiery speech at the field of Kosovo,
virtually threatening war; and the rise in Croatia and in Bosnia of
nationalist parties under Tudjman and Izetbegovic. Radovan Karadzic, ever ambitious, ever searching for a means to achieve greatness, saw his chance and entered politics. One can gauge the depth of his nationalism by the fact that he first joined the Green Party. Only later did he transfer his loyalties to the Initiative for a Serbian Democratic Party, which Milosevic had started as a Bosnian vehicle to advance his program to achieve a Greater Serbia-"All Serbs in one nation." The embryonic party consisted of little more than a collection of bullies and thugs, and Karadzic, standing out as a well-known and cultured man, rose quickly; in July 1990, his new colleagues chose Dr. Radovan Karadzic, fledgling politician, to lead the now-official Serbian Democratic Party.
It was, as Dr. Ceric told me, echoing a comment I heard a dozen
times, "a very big surprise." But though his Sarajevo acquaintances
expressed bewilderment at "what happened to Radovan when the
war started," by now the logic of his transformation takes on a
certain clarity. If one constant in his life was great ambition, a fierce
and unremitting conviction that he was in some way destined to
achieve greatness, another was a relative disregard for the means by
which he would find it. A great doctor, an innovative psychiatrist, a
celebrated poet: by 1990, seeing that none of these paths had yet
carried him to triumph-though he had likely not lost faith, he was
simply impatient, unwilling to wait for the recognition of his
genius-he recognized that politics in the era of Yugoslavia's
dissolution would offer him instant greatness. And that
untrammeled ambition, unencumbered as it was by any true
principle-for Karadzic the ideology resulted from the ambition, it
had not caused it-could not help but make him attractive to a great
political manipulator like Milosevic. As Marko Vesovic, a
well-known writer and a Montenegrin who has known Karadzic
since 1963, told Time magazine:
In poetry and in life, Karadzic was a person
without personality. He was like clay, without
personality, without character, who could be
molded.... The man of clay was [Milosevic's] ideal
student. He did what he was told.5
Dr. Ceric, himself a Muslim, who was bewildered by Karadzic's
abrupt conversion to nationalism, demanded that his close friend
and protege give him a reason for it.
I asked him, "What is the problem-what is the
political problem that you are trying to solve?"
He said, "There is only one problem: Alija
[Izetbegovic] wants to organize an Islamic
Republic here...."
I said, "This is completely stupid, because even if
Alija did want to organize such a thing a majority
of Muslims don't want it and wouldn't accept it. I
mean, even now, after we've lost 200,000 people,
the majority by far wouldn't accept an Islamic
Republic."
Could Karadzic have somehow made himself believe what he said?
"He may well have forced himself to believe," Dr. Ceric told me.
"Radovan had some mechanism for falsification of reality, there is
no question about it. No doubt now he believes he's right. But when
he lies in bed at night, he's neurotic, he has many neurotic
symptoms because of what has happened in this country."
Anyone who has spoken to Dr. Karadzic will recognize this
"mechanism of falsification of reality" as his most distinctive
quality. When I inquired of him, over our plates of beef stew, in his
small office, with color-coded maps showing successive diplomatic
plans for slicing up Bosnia on one wall and an Orthodox crucifix on
the other, about the siege of Sarajevo, the siege that people around
the world had been watching in transfixed horror for almost two
years, the leader of the Bosnian Serbs replied that there was no
siege-that in fact those artillery pieces and mortars had been dug
into the mountainside to keep the Muslim hordes from breaking out
of the city and attacking the Serbs. As always with Karadzic, the
words seemed so distant from reality that one had trouble
mustering arguments to challenge him.
I asked Karadzic about the shelling of the National Library, whose
broken, cluttered ruins I had visited a few days before, perusing the
odd charred scrap of paper, the pitiful remains of hundreds of
thousands of irreplaceable books and manuscripts. How could he, a man of learning and culture, a poet himself, have countenanced his
gunners lobbing shell after shell into the great building, destroying it
in a day in a great conflagration that left his adopted city canopied
in a cloud of priceless ash? Dr. Karadzic could only shake his head
sadly, stare gravely into my eyes, and declare that of course the
Muslims had destroyed this building themselves: "It was a
Christian building, you know, from the Austro-Hungarian period,
and so the Muslims hated it. Only Christian books were burned,
you know. The others they removed."
And so it was with the shells that had reduced the world-renowned
Institute of Oriental Culture to a burned carcass; so it was with the
mortar round that had plunged into a crowd waiting outside a shop
in a downtown street and brought the world the Breadline Massacre
of May 27, 1992, in which sixteen people died in a telegenic horror
that forced the Western countries to impose the first set of
sanctions against the Serbs; so it was with the two shells that had
killed six children who were sledding twelve days before the
Marketplace Massacre, and the three shells that had killed ten
Sarajevans and wounded eighteen in Dobrinja on February 4. In
each case, Dr. Karadzic told me, the Muslims, "trying to gain the
sympathy of the world," had "shelled themselves."
There was a certain brilliance to his blank and impenetrable
sincerity. I actually found myself wondering, as a young blond
waitress cleared the dishes from Karadzic's desk, whether he could
possibly believe anything he was saying. "Mechanism for
falsification of reality"-that was Dr. Ceric's term. And yet this
seemed insane: Karadzic visited his troops as they sat in their
hillside bunkers, shaking their hands and clapping them on the back
as they smoked their cigarettes and cooked their soup. In a BBC
film about Karadzic, the leader of the Serbs smiles as he sights
down a cannon barrel and then offers a Russian visitor, the
nationalist writer Eduard Limonov, the chance to fire off a shell into
Karadzic's former city. (Limonov gladly accepts.)6
I thought of Karadzic's bodyguards, who lounged about the lobby
as I waited for the Great Man. The guards appeared to have been
chosen in large part for their beauty and they were clearly
conscious of it as they sauntered about, laughing and preening,
some wearing combat fatigues, others distinctive purple jumpsuits,
all with 9-millimeter automatic pistols belted tightly at their hips;
they ignored me while watching me closely. Who could this be,
granted an interview with the Big Man, the man who shelled the
Turks?
And yet it was clear that the consistent and inarguable
preposterousness of Karadzic's answers held within it an
importance far beyond any press conference or interview, reaching
into the complex diplomatic struggle of the war itself. He was in the
business of creating excuses-excuses, however absurd, that let the
world allow the war to go on. What he said admitted of no answer.
Ice in their ears? How could I respond? I was there, the bodies
were real, you can't be serious. And Dr. Karadzic would look me
in the eye and answer in that reasonable tone: Yes, but did you
check their ears? You didn't? So how can you be sure?
I am finally lost,
I am glowing like a cigarette
On a neurotic's lip:
While they look for me everywhere
I wait in the ambush of dawn.
-from "A Morning Hand Grenade"
(1983), by Radovan Karadzic.7
Two days before, four hours after the mortar shell plummeted
through the corrugated tin of the marketplace, I sat in the cluttered ABC News Sarajevo office and watched television. Sarajevo TV was airing its video virtually unedited and I watched again each torso and limb float past me on the screen as the announcer's voice intoned: Nura Odzak, Mladen Klacar, Ahmed Foco, Sakib Bulbul, Alija Huko... Disjunctive, disorienting somehow, to watch the bundles that had had no names now being supplied with them, in an effort to return the objects to the world of the human.
Someone switched to Great Britain's Sky News just in time for us
to hear the young woman reading the news announce that Dr.
Radovan Karadzic had reacted with outrage to accusations that the
Serbs had bombed the marketplace, had demanded the charge be
withdrawn, and had vowed that, until it was, his soldiers would
block all food deliveries into the city. This was a grave threat
indeed-not because it might bring Sarajevo's malnourished citizens
to the point of starvation, although it might, but because if the
Serbs did not permit Western troops to make "humanitarian
deliveries" to Bosnia's besieged people, Western leaders-having
said again and again that NATO warplanes could not bomb Serb
artillery because they had "troops on the ground" who would be
vulnerable to Serb retribution-would have difficulty explaining
exactly what their suddenly idle troops were doing in Bosnia
beyond providing them, the Western leaders, an excuse for
refraining from taking some strong action to stop the war that, it
had long since become clear, they greatly preferred not to take.
Indeed, in Washington, where President Clinton was even now
meeting with his senior advisers, it seemed a process of reevaluation
had already begun, for one of those advisers-we learned from the
Sky News reader-had hastened to let it be known that
"sentiment" was growing that NATO planes should in fact bomb
the Serbs. Meantime the President himself had denounced the
slaughter-and demanded the United Nations "urgently investigate"
who was to blame. Having delivered herself of that bit of news, the
news reader looked into the camera and with practiced gravity
delivered her closing line: "There is no report yet," she said, "on
who could be the author of this terrible crime."
The absurdity of this statement seemed so palpable that I started,
then looked around the room, speechless, to see others' reactions.
No one flinched. They were used to it. Nor would they have been
surprised to learn that at that very moment a Canadian major
assigned to the United Nations forces was crouching in the
northeast corner of the marketplace, hard at work examining the
"splash pattern" left by that afternoon's shrapnel in order to
determine whence the shell had come. In fact, the Canadian major
was working on no less than the third of that afternoon's "crater
analyses," a French lieutenant having conducted the first at two
o'clock, and a French captain a second an hour later. As it
happened-and not surprisingly with what was a rather inexact
science-results differed markedly: while the French lieutenant
concluded that the shell had followed a northerly course, and thus
either Serb or Muslim gunners could theoretically have launched it,
and the Canadian major arrived, by a slightly different path, at
largely the same destination, the French captain found that the
round had followed an easterly path-which would have put the
mortar and its crew behind Muslim lines.8
To an innocent eye, the entire exercise appeared bewildering.
Sarajevo lay in a valley surrounded by mountains from which for
nearly two years Serb artillery pieces-including a great number of
120-millimeter mortars-had day after day rained down shells on
the city. During twenty-two months, Serb gunners and snipers had
launched hundreds of thousands of shells and had killed perhaps ten
thousand Sarajevans. Yet when a shell happened to kill a large
number of people, United Nations officials, acting in the full flower
of their "neutral" appreciation for the interests of Serbs and
Muslims, felt obliged to treat the explosive's source as
"undetermined." As much as anything did, this decision
demonstrated the symbiosis that had developed between the Serbs,
who were winning the war and thereby had brought Bosnia closest to "peace" (if the irritatingly stubborn Muslims would only accept this as a fact), and the United Nations forces-mainly, but not exclusively, French and British-who showed themselves loyal only to the task of delivering "humanitarian aid" and the "neutrality" that they must maintain in order for the Serbs to permit them to keep feeding the victims.
Karadzic with his apparently absurd statements had in fact read the
situation with great brilliance. As Peter Maass well describes in his
beautiful and moving memoir Love Thy Neighbor: A Story of War,
the Serb leader succeeded in creating doubt where there should have
been none because people wanted to doubt.
I knew that the things Karadzic said were lies, and
that these lies were being broadcast worldwide,
every day, several times a day, and they were being
taken seriously. I am not saying that his lies were
accepted as the truth, but I sense they were
obscuring the truth, causing outsiders to stay on the
sidelines, and this of course was a great triumph for
Karadzic.
If Karadzic could not prove that the Bosnians were "shelling
themselves," he did not need to; he needed only to present the idea
and, once presented, to harp on it, again and again. As Maass writes,
He needed, for example, to make everyone question
whether the Bosnians were bombing themselves, and
in fact everyone did wonder about that, because each
time a lot of Bosnians were killed by a mortar in
Sarajevo, Western governments asked the UN
soldiers for a "crater analysis".... "Crater analysis" is
not always an exact science.... The incoming
direction of the shell could be determined, but not
the precise position from which it was fired. If
Karadzic denied responsibility, and if the United
Nations could not prove scientifically that the Serbs
were responsible, then we should hold off on
punishing them, right? Right. Thankfully, we have
not always been so circumspect, and did not
demand, during World War II, that Winston
Churchill provide proof that the bombs exploding in
London were German rather than British.
Click here for Mark Danner's full New York Review of Book series on the
war in the former Yugoslavia
1. I was in Sarajevo working with an ABC News crew to
prepare a documentary on Bosnia. See Mark Danner and
David Gelber, writers, Peter Jennings, correspondent, "While America Watched:
The Bosnia Tragedy," Peter Jennings Reporting, ABC News (March 17, 1994),
ABC-51.
2. See "Clinton, the UN, and the Bosnian Disaster," The New York Review,
December 18, 1997, the third of the present series of
articles, which began with "The US and the Yugoslav Catastrophe," The New York
Review, November 20, 1997, and "America and the
Bosnia Genocide," The New York Review, December 4, 1997.
3. See Curzio Malaparte, Kaputt (Dutton, 1946; reprinted by Avon, 1966), p.
257. Tim Judah, in his book The Serbs, notes that though the story of the eyes
is "for many Serbs the most enduring image of [the Serbian] holocaust," no one
can be certain whether it happened as Malaparte described. By now, however, as
Judah says: "The scene has become so well known among Serbs that the vast
majority believe that it is a description of a real event."
4. See Tracy Wilkinson, "Bosnians Recall Karadzic, a Neighbour Turned Enemy,"
Los Angeles Times, July 23, 1995.
5. See Deejan Anastasijevic, Massimo Calabresi, Alexandra Niksic, and Alexandra
Stiglmayer, "Seeds of Evil: The Opportunistic and Allegedly Criminal Career of
Radovan Karadzic May Be Coming to an End," Time, July 29, 1996.
6. See Pawel Pawilokowski, Serbian Epics, Channel Four (British Broadcasting
Corporation, 1992).
7. Quoted in "Seeds of Evil," Time magazine.
8 .See David Binder, "Anatomy of a Massacre," Foreign Policy 97, Winter
1994-1995, pp. 70-78.
Seasons in Hell: Understanding Bosnia's War
by Ed Vulliamy
370 pages, (out of print)
published by Simon and Schuster
Blood and Vengeance: One Family's Story of the War in Bosnia
by Chuck Sudetic
June, 1998
published by Norton
Survival in Sarajevo: How a Jewish Community Came to the Aid of Its City
by Edward Serotta
128 pages, $29.95 (hardcover)
published by Vienna: Christian Brandstutter (Distributed in the US by
Distributed Art Publishers)
The Serbs: History, Myth and the Resurrection of Yugoslavia
by Tim Judah
350 pages, $30.00 (hardcover)
published by Yale University Press
Late-Breaking Foreign Policy: The News Media's Influence on Peace
Operations
by Warren P. Stroebel
275 pages, $29.95 (hardcover), $14.95 (paperback)
published by United States Institute of Peace
Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation
by Laura Silber and Allan Little
403 pages, $12.95 (paperback)
published by Penguin
Triumph of the Lack of Will: International Diplomacy and the Yugoslav
War
by James Gow
343 pages, $29.50 (hardcover)
published by Columbia University Press
Origins of a Catastrophe: Yugoslavia and its Destroyers-America's Last
Ambassador Tells What Happened and Why
by Warren Zimmerman
269 pages, $25.00 (hardcover)
published by Times Books
| |