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The judges of the War Crimes Tribunal at The Hague called on Professor
Paul Garde to give an historic overview of the Balkans region and Garde then
fielded questions from the judges. Garde's testimony was given June 27-28,
1996. He is a professor of Slav literature and languages and has written many
lingustics books. Since 1991 Garde's research and writing have focused on the
break-up of Yugoslavia.
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Q: Could you briefly give us some clarification about the JNA (Yugoslav
Peoples Army)?
A. The army was basically the only federal institution that survived (the
collapse of Yugoslavia.) Gradually, at the time when authority was given to the
Republics and when the federal Presidency disappeared, all that was left was
one single federation institution, i.e. the army. The army has several
characteristics. On the one hand, the Serbs for historical reasons, had always
occupied dominating positions. I think there were about 60
per cent of Serb officers while the Serbs only represented 36 per cent of the
population in
Yugoslavia. If you include the Montenegrins, it increases the proportion.
So the Serbs had the dominating positions or posts in the army, and then the
army was a federal institution, but lived on the communist regimes since in any
communist regime the military were privileged. So the army as a whole, wanted
to maintain the federation and, as far as most of the officers are concerned,
they wanted to maintain the federation which was directly connected with
defending the Serb people.
You have General Kadijevic who was the Commander-in-Chief of the army
during the crucial times all the way until January '92 who wrote that, as far
as he was concerned, both objectives were merging into one single objective,
i.e. defending the federal institutions and defending the Serbs or defending
the rights of the Serbs against all the other peoples.
So, when the federal authority disappeared, and it disappeared when the federal
Presidency no longer operated on 15th May '91, you find
yourself in front of this rather strange position where you have an army
without any
Commander, an army that becomes fairly autonomous.
Thanks to the European mediation in July '91, Europe managed to impose
the elections of Mesic who is a Croat as a President of the federation. So,
theoretically, he
was the Commander-in-Chief of the army, but the army never obeyed him. Mesic,
although theoretically the Commander-in-Chief of the army was considered by
that army
as its No. 1 enemy. So the army did not have any Commander-in-Chief, no
superior
authority. So the army behaved as an autonomous body and that autonomous body
sided
with the Serbs and acted in close co-operation with the Serb authorities, that
of Milosevic.
At that time a Party was created for Yugoslavia, a Party whose
leadership was by Milosevic's wife, Mrs. Markovic, and a few of the commanders
of the
army. So you see that from that time on the army operates in full autonomy,
but in close
co-operation with the Serb authority.
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