The Decision to Run for
President in 1984
JACKIE JACKSON:
You know, strangely enough my husband shares with me the most
serious, serious things while he's putting his socks on in the morning. Never
when he's taking them off. Always in the morning when he's putting his socks
on. We had been talking about it and talking. We talked about it and it
wasn't until he was putting on his socks that I knew he was going to do it.
And I was very excited. Very excited.
He said, Jackie, I'm going to run for President of these United States of
America. And I said, hot dog, way to go Jesse. We're going to do it. And so
we did our little pep rally, you know. Yes. I am somebody. Yes, you know,
never surrender. So keep hope alive. We do that around the house. Yes, just being excited about something. It's like a little slang or words
of love that we say.
RICHARD HATCHER:
The question of running for president came up early...
In 1982, 1983, the idea of an African-American running for President of the
United States were still pretty novel, a pretty remote idea. The very thought
of it sometimes caused people to laugh. But there was a series of meetings
that took place around the country, beginning really in the spring of 1983.
Many of these meetings took place at airports and they involved, for all
intents and purposes at the time, the leadership of the Black community
nationally. There were maybe about 15 or 20 people at some meeting, some were
different. But for the most part, it was the same group of people...most of
the national organizations, most of the national civil rights organizations,
some persons like me who really had no portfolio but just for, for a number of
reasons was involved in those meetings.
And, but the debate initially was how do we develop an agenda to present to
the candidates in the 1994, 1984 presidential election. The more we talked
about that, I think the more we became persuaded that neither the Democrats nor
the Republicans would be willing to fully embrace the agenda that we felt was
absolutely critical and necessary for African-Americans and other minorities in
this country.
And so, almost without thinking, the discussion began to shift away from
the idea of an agenda and shift to the idea of an African-American running for
President. Historically, that had been something that had been talked about
for a very, very long time. We even at that point had this history of what we
call 'the 30-second candidacy' for President. Where a person would nominate
themselves or would get themselves nominated at the convention and everyone
knew that they weren't serious, but the idea was that you would get 30 seconds
of national TV time to talk about the issues you wanted to talk about.
So, the debate shifted to--Why don't we have a candidate of our own to
run?
There was an immediate reaction ... Opposition to the idea. Andy Young did
not think that was a great idea. Joe Lowery didn't think that was a great
idea. Walter Faunteroy thought it was not only a good idea, he thought that he
might be a pretty good candidate person to run. He was a member of Congress at
the time.
And so, at every meeting there was an effort to resolve this. We finally
had a meeting in Chicago at O'Hare field -- at one of the hotels out at the
airport -- and all of this came to a head. And, it was clear that many of the
people there -- it was not that they were opposed to the idea of a Black
running for President, but for several of them, they did not want Jesse Jackson
to be that person. They simply did not want him to be that candidate.
In that meeting, maybe 15-20 people, there were people already committed to
the Democratic candidate, Fritz Mondale. And some were members of Congress,
some were Black members of Congress. Joe Lowery, Ben Hooks was there. And
Rev. Jackson's response was, some of us are family, some of us just live on... And was obviously referring to those people who had made
commitments before coming to that meeting.
What does that say to you about Rev. Jackson -- that bold
statement?
I think what it says is that, as always, he has the right comment for the
right moment and he can sum it up. I would say at that point, everybody
understood that this was going to be the litmus test in terms of whether all of
the noble statements about your commitment to the Black community, your
willingness to sacrifice and work for that community, whether that was just
rhetoric or whether you really meant it.
And everybody understood that around the table. And there was still a lot
of discussion, but at some point, I seem to recall that I said, well, is
there anyone else here, is there anyone sitting here at the table who wants to
be a candidate. Because people were sort of hinting, well maybe I might be
interested in running, or I might. So I said why don't we go around the table
and have every person that is interested in becoming a candidate for President
of the United States, say so. Just say so so it is out in the open and
everybody knows.
And we did that. We went around the table and every person -- and no one
was willing to say I'd like to be a candidate, or I'd be interested in being a
candidate if this group supports me. Until it got to Jesse Jackson. And,
basically, Jesse Jackson said if no one else is willing to run, then I will
run. I'll be a candidate. And, that just about settled the thing. And I
believe Joe Lowery made a motion that was sort of an escape hatch for some
people, as I said, who were already committed but didn't say so.
The motion basically said that Rev. Jackson is indicating he's going to be
a candidate, anyone that wishes to support him can do so. And, that left the
door open for obviously for those who did not.
And the reaction?
Well, my personal feeling was one of elation. I was thrilled that he was
willing to do it. And clearly, the other people in the room, many of whom
could have made, I think, very formidable candidates, but for one reason or
another simply didn't, were not old enough or courageous enough to step up and
say I'll run. I think for many of them, they were disappointed. Some were
disappointed because there were personal feelings about Rev. Jackson. But some
were disappointed because they saw their chance -- they said, you know, I
should have said it that I would run. I should have been the one to say that I
would run.
Because they all had the opportunity to do so before Jesse spoke up. As I
recall, almost everyone else was sitting around this long table. Rev. Jackson
was standing, he was not sitting at the table, he was standing behind the
table. So that, essentially, everyone had an opportunity to say yes, I'll be a
candidate or no, I don't think. And people gave different reasons for saying
no. But it made him, sort of the last person, you know, in line. And his
comment was, if no one else would run, then, you know, I'll run.
I think some people were angry because there were some who felt that the
whole idea of these meetings had been set up in order to allow Jesse to use
them as a way of launching his campaign because he was committed to running
long before that meeting. I personally don't think that was true. But there
were many who felt that was the case.
I think there were other people who were really pleased and really thrilled
that he had indicated that he would be a candidate and were eager to helping.
So, there were people there who wanted to see Jesse run and when he said that
he would, that was it.
And the significance of his decision?
There were some very bold and courageous people in that room. There were
people who had done a lot of wonderful things. But this level of political
participation and environment was a relatively new situation, I think, for all
of us. And the very idea of running for President -- first of all, we didn't
know anything about running for President. I mean, we never run, and one of
the really good things that came out of the 1984 campaign was that there was a
whole cadre of people, African-American people, who had gone through the
experience of putting together a presidential campaign and running that
campaign and finding out what it was all about. Learning about money in a
political campaign. Where it can come from, where it can't come from. How you
can spend it, how you can't spend it. The kinds of reports and records you
have to make.
It trained a whole cadre of people all over the country who had never
before had any involvement. The closest that I had ever been to a presidential
campaign before 1984 was the, was when Bobby Kennedy would come to Gary and I
might see one Black staffer --Early Graves -- who was on the staff and
certainly did not seem to be in the inner circle of that campaign by a long
shot.
Then we would go to national conventions and the candidates would have
their trailers out back of the convention and we didn't even have the influence
or the clout to be able to go back into the area where the candidates were.
You know, if there was something we wanted to say to them, we would have to
write a note and give it to a security guard to take. That's as close as we
came to a presidential campaign until 1984.
By those two campaigns, he changed the political landscape of the country.
And really, I think, created in the minds of the general public a level of
acceptance of a Black candidate for President that had never existed before.
It never existed before. The very picture, I remember Percy Sutton from New
York talking about an old Black woman up in Harlem when somebody had said, 'Well
you know Jesse Jackson can't win this election. You know, he doesn't have a
chance.' And this woman saying--'But we be winning all the time. Whenever I
see him on television, up there arguing with those white men, tell them, give
them as much as he takes, we be winning.' And that was very true.
It was a way of showing that an African American could compete at the very
highest level. And, of course, given many of the candidates that were running
for President in 1984 and 1988, Jesse Jackson really was superior in terms of
his communication skills, you know, his knowledge, his understanding, his
ability to motivate people. He was superior to many of those candidates. And
so from that point of view, that was a great contribution, I think, to not just
the progress of African-Americans in this country but of the progress of this
country,the progress of all Americans in this country. To begin to see that
these artificial judgments that are made about people based exclusively on the
color of their skin are not real. They are not real. That given the
opportunity, African-Americans can compete with anyone.
ROGER WILKINS
I think that when the story of the 20th century in the United States
is written that Jackson will have to be one of the ten or fifteen most
important contributors to the development of America in this century.
Because if he had done nothing else, the two runs for the presidency were
national civics lessons. It enlarged the idea in the heads and spirits of
Americans of who could aspire to be President. Of who should aspire to be
President. There are all kinds of black kids young women in this country, who
can now think realistically about the possibility of being president who would
not have thought that realistically about it before Jackson made his
runs.
I still think about white people and how they think so exclusively about
the country and I would hear over and over again any child born in America can
aspire to be President. Well, that's nuts. Girls couldn't aspire to be
President. That knocks out half the people already. Blacks, Native Americans,
Hispanics couldn't aspire to be President. So when we're talking about any
child we're really talking about any white male child can aspire to be
President. And you could knock off Appalachian kids and so forth.
But what Jackson did really was to make it possible for me to think for the
first time, I couldn't think, certainly couldn't think of myself as having any
chance of being President of the United States. And I couldn't think of either
of my older children who are now in their 30s as having a chance to be
President of the United States.
But in part because Jackson and in part because of the women's movement, my
child who is now 12 whose going to be, 50 years from now she'll be 10 younger
than Bob Dole is today. Well, 50 years from now, in 2045, maybe my daughter
can be thinking seriously if that's who she turns out to be, of running for
President. And it is not inconceivable to me that this Black female, now
alive, could possibly be President of the United States in the middle of the
next century. Now, that is in large part Jackson. And the idea in her head
that maybe she could be President comes from what she has seen of the person
she calls Uncle Jesse. But there are a lot of kids who never even met Jesse
and they'll call him Uncle Jesse who have an idea well, gee, maybe I could be
President.
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